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ERRATA. 



P. 2, Contents No. 12, for "The Enlisted man" read "The Enlisted 

Men." 
P. 3, line 8 from bottom, for "Plates" read "Plataea." 
P. 5, title, for "in the Third Liberty Loan" read "in re the Third 

Liberty Loan." 
P. 8, line S from bottom, for "is" read "in." 
P. 9, line 6, for "explanation" read "expiation." 
P. 10, line 2, for "dawnfall" read "downfall." 
P. 10, line 17, for "Allies" read "Allied." 

P. 21. line 6 from bottom, for "exlutation" read "exultation." 
P. 22, line 18, for "deed" read "meed." 
P. 24, line 4, for "none" read "no need." 
P. 29, line 10. for "righe" read "right." 
P. 28, line 1, for "states" read "state." 
P. 42, the line below the footnote follows line 15. 
P. 42. line 13 from bottom, for "they" read "the Central Powers." 
P. 45, line 7 from bottom, for "of" read "to." 
P. 45, line 5 from bottom, for "stronge" read "strange." 
P. 49, line 2 from bottom, for "domintant ' read "dominant." 
P. 50, line 9 from bottom, for "nations have" read "nation has." 
P. 54, line 12 from bottom, for "coapletion" read "completion." 
P. 58, line 5 from the bottom, for "alliterztive" read alliterative." 
P. 59, line 24, for "more than" read "almost." 

P. 60. line 15 from the bottom, for "apposition" read "opposition." 
P. 61, last line, for "paving" read "laying." 
P. 64, at the end of line 15 add "of all its citizens." 

P. 64, at the beginning of line 16 insert "Without aspersion on any 
man's native tongue he insisted, etc." 






;n^^*\eLjZ.f^-*-^ 



:^ 






VA 



These talks and essays with their repetitions and other imperfec- 
tions are printed as originally written for a record of personal in- 
terest in the struggle through which the world has just passed. Their 
value as a record, their only value, perhaps, would be seriously im- 
paired by a revision on the basis of information not accessible or not 
at hand w'hen they were taking form. 
Vermilion, S. D. 
January 22, 1919. 



Contents. 

1. Reception to the Selected Men. Masonic Hall, Vermilion, Sep- 
tember 22, 1917. 

2. Reception to the Selected Men. City Hall, Vermilion. Oc- 
tober 7, 1917. 

3. Four-Minute Talk. City Hall, Vermilion, April 13, 1918. 

4. The New Germany. Congregational Church, Vermilion, April 
14, 1918. 

B. Four-Minute Talk. City Hall, Vermillion, May 10, 1918. 

6. The Memorial Address. City Hall, Vermillion, May 30, 1918. 

7. Four-Minute Talk. City Hall, Vermilion, June 7, 1918. 

8. Four-Minute Talk. City Hall, Vermillion, July 12, 1918. 

9. Our Country. July, 1918. 

10. Some War Problems. July and August. 1918. 

11. Four-Minute Talk. City Hall, Vermillion, August 30, 1918. 

12. An Address to the Enlisted Man. Army Y. M. C. A., Uni- 
versity Chapel, September 8, 1918. 

13. Four-Minute Talk. City Hall, Vermilion. September 27, 1918. 

14. Britain and the War. December, 1918. 

15. Roosevelt. The Memorial Service. City Hall. Vermilion, 
Feb. 9, 1919. 



2 
Gift! 

A.-atb©r 



#|j0kcn at titc J^anquet for tltc #al5icra an tlyc (^tcasion 

of €\}ih ^Icparturc for J^ort ]^ikv, |Cansas, 

^tt-(»5oiternor ^ec ^^resibint^. 

September 22, 1917. 

I am proud to do honor to these men who have responded to our 
Country's call in her hour of need. It is not given to every man nor 
to every generation to be a part of a struggle the issue of which de- 
termines the course of history for all future time. 

The boys of '61 carried through the struggle which saved the 
Union and cleared away every vestige of human slavery from this 
continent. Their work is a part of history. They are no ordinary 
men. They have touched elbows with heroes. They have passed 
through a fiery ordeal that does not fall to the common lot. Above 
the head of every veteran is a halo placed there by a grateful people 
as a reverent homage for work done. 

Young men, you are a part of a struggle more heavily freighted 
with human interests than any other ever staged on this planet. On 
its issue will depend which of two widely divergent channels the 
stream of history will follow to the end of time. It is a magnificent 
task. Go to it. Our hearts go with you. The heart of every American 
is with you. We envy you the splendid opportunity for service in 
the cause of humanity. And when you return battle-scarred and vic- 
torious we will lift our hats and hearts to you, as now we do to the 
veterans of '61. On your return we will recognize that by your sacri- 
fices to save what is best and choicest in our civilization you have 
won a place, rightly an'd nobly won a place, among the world's im- 
mortals. 

%\}^ lUccption to tltc #olbicrs O)ctobcr 7, 1 y 1 7, in tlj c City 

'^all on tlte Occasion of the departure for Ifavi 

%xkv, |^an„ ^x-Cf^oit. %u lJrcst^int!i. 

Certain events stand out for landmarks in the world's history. 
Such was the struggle betv/een Greece and Persia, with which we 
associate the battles of Marathon, Thermopylae, Salamis and Plates. 
The question at issue was whether the growing civilization of Greece 
should be displaced by the effete and blighting civilization of Persia or 
whether it should continue to develop under favoring conditions into 
full flower and fruitage. 

In that struggle, as you know, the Greeks won. The full signi- 
ficance of their victory can not even now be accurately estimated. 
That can not be done until the course of civilization shall have been 



completed. Some of the richest treasures of the past, some of the 
finest things the human mind and hand have done in art, in architec- 
ture, in literature, in science and in philosophy have come down to 
U3 from the golden age of Greek civilization. The forces of that 
civilization are still at work shaping or influencing our own. 

Some twelve centuries later in another great struggle Charles 
Martel assembled his forces in southern France on the plains of Tours 
and there in a fierce and terrific contest sent down to defeat the 
Saracens who had come north from Spain on a mission of conquest. 
That battle decided whether Europe was to be Mohammedan or 
Christian. There is no need with this audience to dwell on the mo- 
mentous character of that struggle. 

Another twelve centuries have passed and another great struggle 
is in progress. In the extent of territory covered, in the number of 
countries involved, in the strength and magnitude of the opposing 
forces this dwarfs every preceding struggle in history. There is 
scarcely a spot on this round earth of ours which has not been di- 
rectly or indirectly affected by this war. Great issues are involved. 
For men do not fight for nothing. They do not pour out the hoarded 
wealth of years without cause. The stakes are commensurate with the 
sacrifices that are being made. We are too close the struggle to en- 
visage it as whole or to catch its full meaning. But we can see clearly, 
and perhaps this is enough just now, that the issue of this war in- 
volves the question whether our institutions shall develop normally 
under the light and warmth of God's sun or whether they shall have 
a pale and sickly growth under the noxious shade of a rampant military 
terrorism, a terrorism that shrinks from no act of brutality, a terrorism 
whose slimy tentacles reach to the ends of the earth. 

These young men are called to an active part in this great struggle; 
in fact, we are all called to do our best. We believe they will prove 
themselves worthy. Their fathers and mothers, their brothers and 
sisters, their wives and sweethearts, their friends and neighbors all 
have every confidence that they will acquit themselves with honor, 
adding luster to the noblest records of the nation by their valor and 
their sacrifices. The sympathy and support of this community, of 
every citizen of South Dakota, of every loyal American is with them 
in the great work they have to do. Not since Leonidas and his Spartan 
band won immortality in an attempt to stop the advancing hosts of 
Persia at Thermopylae has such an opportunity offered to win the 
undying gratitude of oncoming generations. May these men be full 
of courage as they go forward and may they see the speedy and com- 
plete accomplishment of their great task. 



April 13, 1918, in the Third Liberty Loan 

Our soldiers are at the front in France. And just now that west- 
ern line is the hottest place outside Gehenna. The Germans are fighting 
three hundred guns and twelve thousand men to the mile and by sheer 
weight of steel and numbers are pushing our forces backward to- 
ward the sea. 

Our men must have re-enforcements and guns and munitions and 
supplies. We ought now to have two million fighting men on the 
western line. We are recreant to our duty if we do not place them 
there at the earliest moment. 

Munitions and supplies cost money, ships to carry them across 
the sea are expensive. To support our men the Government must 
have money and we must back our Government by buying bonds. 
These bonds give four and one-fourth per cent interest, payable semi- 
annually with the repayment of the principal in ten years, a good in- 
vestment. 

If we do not buy bonds and the war goes by default, then Ger- 
many will collect as an indemnity many times the amount of the bonds. 
Germany pays no interest and she keeps the principal. 

We planned to spend $19,000,000,000 the first year. The second 
year may cost twice that amount. To win a war is costly but it is 
far less expensive than to lose it. Belgium was forced to pay in 1914 
$7,000,000 a month, this on top of a $75,000,000 fine. Russia has just 
ceded 300,000 square miles of territory and 32,000,000 population. Ger- 
many is counting on indemnities from us to pay expenses for the war. 
We shall disappoint her. Billions for the war but not one cent for 
tribute to the Hun. 

Let us avoid peace talk as we would the pestilence. Peace talk 
weakens the will to win. Without the will to win the war is lost. But 
we will win the war, whatever the cost. Bonds are necessary to the 
winning. Therefore, let us buy bonds. 



*%\}t iNetot (gcrntciny 

[For a few minutes I wish to speak, with your permission and 
forbearance, on the New Germany. Incidentally some things may 
suggest that the Liberty bond is a good investment. 

It is always interesting and usually instructive when a people lays 



*This talk was preparer! for a union meeting at the Congregational 
Church, April 14, 1918, in the interests of the Third Liberty Loan. As there 
were several speakers the bracketed parts of the address were omitted, being 
replaced by two or three improvisd introductory sentences. The substance 
of the brackets appears in the Memorial Address. 



its soul bare Lo the gaze of the whole world. Every passerby who 
chooses may read the real secrets of the life of that people. And a 
people must bare its soul to the world, whether it wills it or not. 
when it begins aggressive war. 

Place, if you please, the soul of the people of Germany on this 
desk in the clear light where all may see. Then recall, for example, 
the invasion of Belgium, the burning and pillaging of towns and cities, 
the destruction of churches, schools and universities, the ravishing and 
murder of women, the maiming and mutillating and killing of children, 
the wholesale slaughter of the aged, sick and helpless and other non 
combatants, the deportation of the men, the deportation and the worsr? 
than enslavement of the young women, the lies and slanders sent out 
as excuses for these outrages. Then look at the soul on the desk. 
These things happened to the Belgians because in this soul, as you 
plainly see, is murder and arson and plunder and lying and lust and 
cruelty and baseness. These striking features of this soul you can see 
with the naked eye from the furthest parts of this room. 

Thousands of men and women on legitimate business or missions 
of mercy have been sent down into the waters of the sea there to 
struggle for life without hope. Mingled with their cries often were 
those of children, even of babes, held by an unpitying fate. I need 
not recount the story of the Lusitania, the Arabic, the Sussex and all 
the ghastly work of the submarine Now look on this soul. These 
things occurred because of this organ of the soul as you see, labelled 
"murder" and because of this other sinister development very like 
the first. The latter is labelled, as you see, "Spurlos Versenkt." 
These outrages on the sea occurred because there was and is in the 
soul of the people of Germany "murder" and "Spurlos Versenkt." 

The Russian government recently met the Germans in a peace 
conference on the basis of no indemnities and no alienation of ter- 
ritory. The Russians now find that these soft phrases mean large 
indemnities and all the territory the Germans can get away with, 
seeing that the Russian army has disbanded. Already Russia has 
surrendered 300,000 square miles and 32,000,000 population. This 
amazing situation is due, as you see, to this large lump on the soul, 
marked "scrap of paper." These smaller lumps near are, as you have 
already recognised, lying deceit, hypocrisy, baseness, lust for power.] 

After all hov/ did it happen that the soul of the people of Ger- 
many developed into this horrid and repulsive thing you see on thc^ 
desk before us? The answer to this question is: This thing was 
wrought by a Prussianized education. For forty years this system 
was worked under forced draft with day and night shifts to prepare 
the soul of the people of Germany for this war. You see the result. 
This system used the pulpit, the press, the litterati, the public orator, 
the organized energies of business and government. A religion and a 
Kultur were taught at variance with the highest principles of civiliza- 
tion. Nietsche. Treitschke Bernhardi are of the priesthood of this 
cult. In this system the state is everything, the individual nothing; 



the God of all the Universe, whom we all reverence and adore, is 
reduced to a tribal god, a German war-god, who blesses the German 
people and curses their enemies. To this god the Kaiser continually 
appeals, and the god replies after the approved Old Testament fashion 
of heathen or pagan gods. This German god kindly looks after Ger- 
man affairs and the universe when Wilhelm is unavoidably occupied 
with other duties. 

Right is based on might and expediency, and not on truth and jus- 
tice. Germany is entitled to take possession of a neighboring nation's 
territory if she has the power and because she has it. She may take 
it now because it is expedient or she may refrain from taking now 
from considerations of expediency. The most solemn covenants be- 
tween nations hold only during the convenience of either party and 
may be broken without notice. The ennobling doctrine of the brother- 
hood of man has been replaced by hymns of hate or their equivalent. 
The law of love, i. e.. Thou shalt love the Lord, thy God, and thy 
neighbor — the law of love, says Bernhardi, has no claim to significance 
for the relations of one country to another. So Germany may plot the 
partitioning of a neighbor with whom she is at peace and say how 
much is to go to Mexico and how much to Japan. Thus fundamental 
tenets of Christian civilization have been repudiated or modified hope- 
lessly beyond recognition. All this has been subtly but most thoroughly 
done, much by deftly reading new meanings into old terms and phrases. 

In all that has been 'said there is no reference, save to the people 
in Germany. It is not implied that every individual German there has 
been wholly remade by this Prussianized education, but only the domi- 
nant majority which by the fact of its dominance has the right to be 
called the people of Germany, and the proof of the completeness of 
this transformation has stood before the eyes of the astounded world 
from the moment the Hun bared his soul in war. 

All this is not a dream, either of the day or the pipe variety. It 
is not declamation; it is not denunciation. It is a simple statement of 
some cold hard facts which have been jammed into our faces by the 
war and with which we have no choice but to deal. Of the many 
sources of direct confirmation I confine myself to one, the statement 
of a naturalized American citizen of German birth and education. He 
says: 

"I do not apologize for — nor am I ashamed of — my German birth. 
But I am ashamed — bitterly and grievously ashamed — of the Germany 
which stands convicted before the high tribunal of the world's public 
opinion of having planned and willed the war; of the revolting deeds 
committed in Belgium and northern Prance; of the infamy of the 
Lusitania murders; of the innumerable violations of the Hague con- 
ventions and the law of nations; of abominable and perfidious plot- 
tings in friendly countries and shameless abuse of their hospitality; of 
crime heaped upon crime in hideous defiance of the laws of God and 
man. 



"I cherished the memories of mj' youth, but these very memories 
make me cry out in pain and wrath against those who have befouled 
the spiritual soil of the old Germany in which they were rooted. 

"I revere the high ideals and fine traditions of that old Germany 
and the time-honored conceptions of right conduct which my parents 
and the teachers of my early youth bade me treasure throughout life, 
but all the more burning is my resentment, all the more deeply ground- 
ed is my hostility against the Prussian caste which trampled those 
ideals, traditions and conceptions into the dust." 

Lest he may not have made himself wholly clear he returns to 
the point thus: "There are some of you probably, who still find it 
hard to believe that the Germany you knew can be guilty of the crimes 
which have made it an outlaw among the nations. But you do not 
know modern Germany. Unless you have been there in the last twenty- 
five years, not once or twice, but at regular intervals; unless you have 
looked below the glittering surface of the marvellous material pro- 
gress; unless you have waiched and followed the appalling transforma- 
tion of German mentality and morality under the nefarious and puissant 
influence of the priesthood of power-worship, you do not know the 
Germany of this day and generation. 

"It is not the Germany of old, the land of affectionate remem- 
brance. It is not the Germany which men now of middle age or over 
knew in their youth. 

"The Germany which brought upon the world the immeasurable 
disaster of this war, and at whose monstrous deeds and doctrines the 
civilized nations of the world stand aghast, started into definite being 
less than thirty years ago. I can almost lay my finger upon the dal«f 
and circumstances of its ill-omened advent." 

This quotation confirms substantially every statement I have made 
on the case. 

It is the new Germany with which we are at war. It is the new 
Germany which long sought to have her "Law of Necessity" made a 
part of International law that she might have a specious excuse for 
her frightfulness and other abominations on sea and land. It is the 
new Germany which in 1913 passed the "Dual Citizenship Law" en- 
abling her people to swear allegiance to a new government and for 
swear allegiance to the Fatherland without actually giving up that 
allegiance. This law stamps suspicion on every German naturalized 
here or elsewhere since 191.3. Our Government should refuse t( 
naturalize a single German immigrant while that law stands unre 
pealed. This, not only is self-protection, but as a protection to the 
good name of loyal and patriotic Americans of German birth naturalized 
here prior to the passage of that lav/. 

It is the new Germany which at the outbreak of the war mobilized 
her Professorial Landsturm to devise and spread abroad more or less 
plausible excuses for her crimes and outrages, to prove that black 
is white and white is black, to render difficult or impossible any dis- 
tinction between good and evil or right and wrong. Some of Ger- 

S 



many's crimes may in the future, perhaps, be pardoned. (I do not like 
to place arbitrary limitations on Divine mercy, besides, it is an in- 
fringement on the right of the preachers, anyway) but for turning her 
professors loose on a helpless and indulgent neutral world, the servile 
pack of sycophants, to fill the press with their deceptions and mysti- 
fications, for this evil thing Germany did I see no explanation at all. 
Possibly, in the future, long after the labors of Sysiphus have been 
completed something may happen, however, to let Germany head up 
out of Purgatory toward the light. 

It is the new Germany, which by means of leagues and alliances 
and propaganda and other more or less hidden and subtle devices, is 
trying to foist her (damned) Prussianized education on this countrj'. 
And her school system merits attention. For with the suicide of Ger- 
man school children increasing at a rate which just before the war 
was described as "uncanny" there is certainly something damnable 
in the administration of the educational system in Germany. 

It is the new Germany which is going to give us the completest 
licking a nation ever got unless we wake up and put forth every iota 
of strength we possess to prevent and she is planning to penalize us 
for entering the war as no nation in recent times has been penalized. 
The territory she may claim has not been announced, only the shares 
of Mexico and Japan, but her indemnities will be enormous, certainly 
enough to pay her war expenses and to put her business enterprises 
on their feet again. What does wheat at two dollars or even at five 
a bushel, or pigs at sixteen or twenty a hundred profit a man if Ger- 
many is to take it all in indemnities? I am not a business man, but to 
m.e Liberty Bonds look better than that. 

It is said sometimes that we are not at war with the German 
people. Let us cut out all that sob stuff and square off and fight lik4 
men and to a finish. Of course we are not at war with the old Ger- 
many, but if we are not now at war with the people of the new Ger- 
many, in Heaven's name, what is all this fuss about? God knows it 
looks enough like v/ar with the German people to our soldiers facing 
two millions of them along the western front. 

It is with the people of the new Germany we must ultimately 
make peace as victors or vanquished. Let us bear in mind against 
that day that it took at least forty years of the most strenuous effort 
to prepare the soul of the people of Germany for this war; that a 
much longer and more strenuous effort will be required to bring that 
soul back to a normal state and to fit it for the ways and duties of 
peace. Let us keep in mind the obvious thing that the fiber of the 
soul of a people is not transformed by a few brave and eloquent 
words, a thing we are so prone to forget, particularly when we are 
mellowed and overwhelmed with a sense of our own magnanimity. 

Friends. I have spoken earnestly, indeed, but without passion; 1 
have spoken earnestly because the old rocking chair is so comfortable 
and a little sleep, a little slumber, a little folding of the hands to 
sleep are so satisfying to the soul. 



City Hall Vermilion, May 10, 1918 

World-power or downfall was the cry of German leaders before 
the War. World-power or dawnfall is still the slogan with which the 
German people are stirred to yet greater sacrifices. The German gov- 
ernment means to secure a place in the sun from which it can dominate 
the nations of the earth. Already Belgium, Serbia, Roumania and 
Russia have felt the heel of the conqueror. The Germans believe 
that with time to organize Russian resources and man-power they 
can defy the civilized world and finally dictate the terms of peace. 
World-power and world-dominion for Germany means for us, as for 
other nations, that we give up rights and privileges which make us 
a free and independent people. These rights and privileges we will 
not surrender. 

Beware of peace drives. Peace drives preceded the ruthless sub- 
marine warfare, the great Russian debacle, the collapse of the Itailian 
line, and the fierce attack and near Waterloo for the Allies on the 
western front in March. A peace drive is on now to divert atten- 
tion from an impending attack on the Allies Armies. These peace 
drives are a regular part of the German war program to paralyze 
any proper preparation on the part of the Allies. 

Let no one be deceived or relax effort. We must keep up the 
fighting strength of the Allied line. We must give Germany no leisure 
for the reorganization of conquered territories and their resources. 
The fighting must go on and more fiercely than ever. We have five 
hundred thousand men on or near the line now. We must be ready 
to put five million men there if necessary. 

In this struggle the sick and wounded must be cared for. It rests 
on us to assist the Red Cross all we can. It is for us to help the 
noble women who are providing for the injured and disabled and 
seeing that they receive proper attention. Let us encourage them 
in a substantial way in their brave and unselfish work. They are 
helping to win the War. And we must and will win. 

4temot'tal Ab^rcss* 

Vermilion, May 30, 1918 

I. 

INTRODUCTION— THE CIVIL WAR. 
The custom of honoring the departed is older than civilization. 
Before the Christian era in widely separated regions of the earth there 
was held every year a feast for the departed, the so-called Feast oi 



"Published in the Dakota Republican, June 6, 1918. 

1(1 



ihe Dead, where the dead came back each to his own household and 
there partook of a feast prepared for him. It was a reverent, a sacred 
and, in thought, a beautiful memorial to the dead, a touching testi- 
monial that they still lived in the hearts of kindred and friends left 
behind. 

In Athens in her days of greatest power and influence, in accord- 
ance with a legal enactment, an oration was pronounced every year 
in time of war in memory of those who had fallen in battle. The 
funeral oration of Pericles, judged by the report or fragment which 
has come down to us, stands, perhaps, as one of the nobler examples 
of human thought and speech. 

It is then in accordance with an ancient custom, well established, 
and a law deeply graven in the human heart that a day has been set 
apart to honor our dead, to consider the heritage they have bequeathed, 
to clear our vision and quicken out sense of duty, to purify and en- 
noble our conceptions of life, to seek out earnestly and soberly what 
elements in our government and our civilization are contributing most 
to our progress and that of the race and are to contribute most to 
the progress of the generations to follow, to scan the horizon some- 
what closely to see if there be signs of impending storm and danger. 
It is doubly fitting in these days of trial and sacrifice, of anxiety and 
heart searching when what men have most esteemed in government 
and civilization seems about to be overthrown or destroyed. In added 
solemnity to this occasion the Chief Magistrate of the United States 
has called upon all citizens of whatever creed or faith to make this 
a day of prayer and supplication that we may carry through worthily 
the great struggle for humanity and civilization in which we are en 
gaged. 

Our forefathers founded on this continent a new nation, conceived 
in liberty and dedicated to equality. The Civil War was fought to 
determine whether and in what measure that nation or any nation so 
conceived and so dedicated possessed stability and permanence. All 
members of the Grand Army offered— and many thousands gave— the 
soldier's last full measure of devotion that that nation might endure 
They sealed by their sacrifices and their blood, and let us hope they 
have sealed forever, our fundamental propositions with respect to lib- 
erty and equality and the source of the just powers of government in 
the consent of the governed. 

So fully and perfectly was their work done, so thoroughly was the 
question before them settled, that for more than half a century no 
voice from within the nation has been raised against their decision. 
With but a brief interruption the land has dwelt in the midst of peace 
and has experienced a material prosperity without counterpart in the 
world's history. It has shown unparalleled interest in the cause of 
education and enlightenment and has cultivated with zeal the arts 
which add so much to the comfort and refinement of life and so richly 

II 



lo its value. It has been contributing in many ways its full share to 
the cause of righteousness in the world and to the advancement of 
civilization. We are accustomed to attribute this remarkable progress 
in large measure to the open door of opportunity afforded by our prin- 
ciple of liberty and equality and to the sense of responsibility resting 
on every citizen because ours is a government by the people for the 
people. 

II. 

THE WORLD WAR. 

What are the dangers from without? What is the bearing of the 
World War? We have drifted so gently into the conflict that we seem 
to have been but dallying with the God of War. But now the real 
challenge has come along the western front. It has come like the 
whirlwind and the earthquake. It would topple over or swallow up 
everything hands have reared — before our dazed senses realize that 
destruction is upon us. What does the War mean for a nation con- 
ceived in liberty and dedicated to equality? What does it mean for 
that righteousness which exalteth a nation? 

To answer these questions we must examine the issues involved 
and the aims and methods of those who precipitated this struggle. 

Germany is ruled by an autocracy. This autocracy is composed 
of the Emperor and the reigning sovereigns of the several states of 
the empire. These reign and rule by Divine right. They rule through 
a diet or parliament, the upper house of which they control absolutely. 
Against the upper house, the lower house, composed of representa- 
tives of the people is powerless. So helpless is it that to one in- 
dignant member it was simply "a hall of echoes." The autocracy i.s 
supported by the Junker element and the army. Through the army 
the control of the people is absolute. 

The German government is the antithesis of our own. In ours 
the power derives from the people, in Germany from the autocracy 
In our land the people rule; in Germany they are ruled. The claim 
that the German government closely resembles our own in the re- 
versal of the truth. The likeness is superficial, the difference radical 
and fundamental. 

It is these two conceptions of government, the one deriving it.-^ 
power from the autocracy, the other from the consent of the governed, 
which are now at war on European battlefields. Though there have 
been many subordinate issues and much to obscure and confuse the 
main issue, the fact is these two conceptions of government have been 
battling since the fateful first of August, 1914. The nature of this 
conflict so big with destiny was early perceived by many Americans, 
but only recently have our countrymen as a whole seemed to grasp 
its real significance. This statement of the main issue is not intended 
to deny that with the two types of government are associated two dis 
tinguishable types of civilization. 

James Gordon Bennett, owner of the New York Herald, who 

12 



passed away a few days ago, is credited with the remark made just 
after battle of the Marne that apparently "the leaders imagine the 
war to be one of purely political ambitions whereas it was really to 
be a great conflict between the forces of freedom, unorganized but lib- 
eral, and an autocracy which sought to impose absolute tyranny upon 
the world." 

For a long time preceding the War the coming struggle had 
'phrased itself to the autocracy as World-Power or Downfall. The 
meaning of World-Power is made clear by a German writer in these 
words: "If we are asked whether we wish to establish a World-Power 
towering so far above the other World Powers that it is in reality the 
only World Power, then the answer is that the will to World-Power is 
immeasurable. Less even than a Great Power can a World-Power 
ever be satisfied." 

III. 
AUTOCRARV AND WORLD DOMINION. 

The inevitable antagonism of autocratic government and govern- 
ment by the consent of the governed was preceived long ago by the 
autocracy. The Holy Alliance recognized it. The Prussian autocracy 
as it grew into power made itself the heir of the Holy Alliance and 
the champion of government by Divine right. It laid plans to seize 
and hold the supremacy for autocratic government. Through a long 
period these plans were developing and maturing until now they are 
frightful in their extent and complexity, covering practically the habit- 
able earth. 

These plans were based on a Central European empire extending 
from the North Sea to Constantinople, thus involving the control of 
the Balkan Peninsula. 

By securing the Turk nominally as an ally but really as a vassal 
this empire was to reach to the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean. Por- 
tions of Russian territory were to be organized as minor independent 
states under the protection and tutelage of Germany and Austria, sub- 
stantially the territory now in their possession. Belgium and Northern 
France were to be incorporated into this empire. Germany would 
thus come into possession of valuable coal mines and the richest de- 
posits of iron ore in Europe, including those of Lorraine, and the 
second richest in the world. Prance would consequently be reduced 
to a condition of economic dei)endence and become a nonentity in the 
international world. 

The Turk was to be invited to recover Egypt and to control the 
Suez canal. This done India was to be wrested from England. Her 
colonies were to be induced to throw off the relations to the mother 
country and to be brought within the sphere of German influence. 
With the crushing of England, Canada would become a Germany colony 
on our northern border. Mexico was to assume the role of an ally. 
The United States was expected to walk gracefully into line with 

13 



Canada on the north and our Germanized neighbor, Mexico, on the 
south. 

A German colony is already in Brazil awaiting word for the strug- 
gle through which leadership in South America is to pass from the 
Latin to the Teuton. With these things accomplished the Monroe 
doctrine and the Panama canal must be handed over to the keeping of 
Germany. 

A station, Kiaochau, was seized in China sometime ago so that 
at an opportune moment the untold natural resources of that country 
might be exploited for Teutonic benefit. Perceiving that the almond 
eye of the Nipponnese was glued to that station and feeling somewhat 
uncomfortable under its steady glare, Germany, with an altruism as 
lofty as wonderful, typical of her diplomacy, suggested to Japan that 
Am.erica was her real enemy and to America that Japan had evil de- 
signs against her. Then at this suggestion up and down over this broad 
land highbrows on the platform and in the public press were working 
themselves into a frenzy over the imminence of the irrepressible con- 
flict between America and Japan. But at the outbreak of the War 
Japan took possession of Kiaochau and gave notice that Germany was 
relieved from all further duties connected with the exploitation of 
China. And the imminence of the irrepressible conflict between Amer- 
ica and Japan has apparently disappeared in the heavy mists which 
overhang the future. 

The plans of Germany respecting Africa are so well known that 
we need only refer to them here. 

Thus we see the comprehensive character of German ambitions 
and German world politics. It is no part of our present purpose to 
point out how much of this program Germany hoped, when she forced 
the War, to realize at its conclusion, possibly, only a modest part of 
it, simply enough to make the rest of it an assured thing in a reason- 
able short time. Before the War Germans predicted that South Amer- 
ica would be brought under Teutonic control by the middle of the 
present century. This may give some indication of the energy with 
which Germany was expected at that time to push her plans. 

Lest it be felt that these statements respecting the purposes of 
the German autocracy are overdrawn, from the many possible sources 
I add some remarks from one of our most eminent and sober au- 
thorities on Diplomacy and International Law: "These are not the 
dreams of visionaries," he says, referring to the plans just summarized. 
"They are actual plans, worked out in great detail, on record and proved 
beyond the possibility of a doubt as the ultimate aims of the con- 
trolling forces of Germany.'' 

With these plans realized what place is there in the world for a 
nation conceived in liberty and dedicated to equality? Who may say 
that those who gave their lives that this nation might live did not 
die in vain? The success of the Germans in this war means that the 
United States must step down into the ranks of third or fourth rate 
powers and surrender rights and prerogatives which make her a free 

14 



and independent nation. The European War, whatever it may not be, 
is certainly a direct challenge to our fundamental propositions regard- 
ing liberty and equality and the source of the powers of government 
in the consent of the governed. 

IV. 

AUTOCRACY AND PROPAGANDA. 

Part of the mighty task assumed by the German autocracy is as- 
signed to the armed forces of the empire. Another part, and the more 
dangerous to the world, is given over to German propaganda. This 
was expected to stir up revolt in Egypt and India, rebellion in Ireland 
and to alienate her colonies from England. It was expected to under- 
mine Russia and did. It would be strong enough, it was hoped, to hold 
the United States quiescent while these world transformations were 
in progress; but, if not, more persuasive and compelling means were 
to be employed; Mexico, Japan, for example. 

We may see clearly the value attached to propaganda by these 
somewhat guarded as well as unguarded remarks of Bernhardi in his 
book "Germany and the Next War:" "The further duty of supporting 
the Germans in foreign countries in their struggle for existence and 
of thus keeping them loyal to their nationality is one from which, in 
our direct interests, we can not withdraw. The isolated groups of Ger- 
mans abroad greatly benefit our trade. * * * but they may also be 
useful to us politically as we find in America." What an exhibition 
of international comity. How gladly nations will receive into their 
midst a group of loyal Germans whose business is so to interfere 
with the policy of that nation as to be useful to the German autocracy. 

Apparently in support of this observation by Bernhardi the dual 
citizenship law was passed in July, 1913, only two years after the lines 
just quoted were penned. This law permits . a German to swear al- 
legiance to a new government and to forswear allegiance to the Father- 
land and without actually giving up that allegiance. 

What baser or more dangerous method can be conceived to under- 
mine the loyalty of naturalized citizens to their government? What 
better method is there for directing suspicion and recrimination against 
naturalized Germ.ans in every land and thereby producing a line of 
cleaveage in the citizenry and the life of a nation? France replied with 
a law authorizing the revocation at will of citizenship judicially 
granted. This government should revoke the citizenship papers of 
every German naturalized in this country since July, 191;?, and refuse 
absolutely to grant citizenship to a single German until Germany re- 
peals the law in question. This should be done not only to protect the 
nation, a sufficient reason for such action, but also to shield from 
suspicion naturalized Germans who with honorable intent have be- 
come our citizens. 

Bernhardi, however, was not the first to direct attention to Amer- 
ica. I quote from a German writing some years earlier; "It is there- 

1") 



fore the duty of everyone who loves the German language to see that 
the future language spoken in America shall be German. It is of the 
highest importance to keep up the German language in America, to 
establish German universities, improve schools, introduce German 
newspapers, and to see that at American universities German profes- 
sors are more capable than their English-speaking colleagues and make 
their influence felt unmistakably on thought, science, art and literature. 
If Germans bear this in mind and help accordingly, the goal will even- 
tually be reached." 

How nicely the dual citizenship law dovetails into all *his mis- 
sionary activity on behalf of the benighted Americans. 

1. 

The Moral Character of the German People as Disclosed by the War. 

Let us leave aside for a moment the dangers of espionage and 
political intrigue and study the German people, noting how the moral 
teachings of the autocracy have affected them. We may thus the 
better estimate the value of these teachings for ourselves. 

It is always interesting and usually instructive when a people lays 
its soul bare to the gaze of the whole world. Every passerby who 
chooses may read the real secrets of the life of that people. And a 
people must lay its soul bare to the M^orld whether it wiP it or not 
when it begins aggressive war. 

Now recall the invasion of Belgium, the burning and pillaging of 
towns and cities, the destruction of churches, schools and universities, 
the ravishing and murder of women, the maiming and mutillating and 
killing of children, the wholesale slaughter of the sick, the aged and 
the helpless and other non-combatants, the deportation and enslave- 
r;:ent of the men, the deportation and worse than enslavement of the 
young women, the lies and slanders sent out against this people as 
excuses for th^se outrages. 

Reflect on the fact that hundreds of men and women on legiti- 
mate business or missions of mercy have been sent down beneath the 
waters of the sea without warning. Mingled with their cries of de- 
spair often were those of children, even of babes held by an unpity- 
ing fate. I need not recount the story of the Lusitania, the Sussex 
and the Arabic and all the ghastly work of the submarine. 

Consider that the Russian government recently met the Germans 
in a peace conference on the basis of no indemnities and no alienation 
of territory. The Russians now find that these soft phrases mean large 
indemnities and all the territory the Germans can get away with, see- 
ing that the Russian army has disbanded. 

How are we to explain these atrocities and outrages and this 
beastliness in Belgium, these horrors and tragedies of the sea, this 
perfidy in dealing with the Russian foe? These things occurred be- 
cause there was and is in the soul of the people of Germany murder 
and arson and plunder and lying and lust and hate and cruelty and 

1(5 



baseness and those queer growths or developments known as "Scrap 
of Paper" and "Spurlos Verseuht." The manifestations of these 
qualities of soul are not the result, as is normally the case in war, 
of sudden and great temptation or violent passion. These have been 
worked into the very fiber of the soul and under the circumstances of 
their manifestations are held by the German people as great and 
lustrous virtues. 

Had the people of Germany not bared its soul in war these things 
we have just referred to would be simply unbelievable. It would be 
easier to disbelieve the m.ost competent and impartial witness were it 
not for the overwhelming evidence furnished by the conflict of the 
last four years. 

How came the German people into this condition of soul? 



A PRUSSIANIZED EDUCATION: ITS MORAL TEACHINGS; ITS 
PHILOSOPHY OF STATE. 

The answer is: A Prussianized education. This education was 
wrought not only through the schools but also through the press, the 
pulpit and the platform. The litterati and the scholars were enlisted. 
These forces developed and taught a religion and a philosophy of 
state especially adapted to the needs and ambitions of autocratic 
government. In this system power of might makes right. The state, 
the autocracy being the state, is the highest expression of power in 
the nation. Whatever the state does or directs, therefore, is right. 
The Gennan emperor said, and his Chancellor agreed, according to 
Ambassador Gerard, that there is no international law. This means 
simply that there is no power able to enforce it against Germany. 
And a decent respect for the opinions of mankind does not exist with 
the autocracy. 

It is the duty of the state to increase its power. It may at an 
opportune moment take possession of its neighbor's territory, or it 
may refrain from taking if the moment is inopportune. In armed 
conflict the ordinary rules of war cease to be binding when they would 
hinder the attainment of the object in view. This is the so-called law 
of necessity. It justifies the abuse of the white flag, the misuse of 
Red Cross privileges, the poisoning of wells, the sinking of neutral 
merchantmen and their passengers, the bombardment of unfortified 
towns, the bombing of hospitals and the sinking of hospital ships. It 
is the basis of German Schrecklickheit, or frightfulness. It was 
justifiable, under this principle, to ravage and outrage Belgium be- 
cause this terrorism and beastliness were necessary to the attainment 
of the object of the War. 

Along with this exaltation of might into right ran a glorification 
of war. Much of this power — worship and war — fetish traces to 
Nietsche who reached such supreme heights in the upper etherial 

17 



regions of philosophy that to him "Jesus of Nazareth was a most in- 
teresting decadent." 

Bernhardi, one of the frankest of their barbarian teachers, says 
that: "Christian morality is, indeed, based on the law of love. But 
this law has no significance for the relations of one state to another." 
How different from our conception that Christian morality is world- 
wide in its application. He further affirms that "the state alone gives 
the individual the highest degree of life. Any action in favor of col- 
lective humanity outside the limts of the state and nationality is im- 
possible." How circumscribed in this theory is the brotherhood of 
man. It is limited to the state or nation. 

We have seen how the conception of right has been divorced 
from those of truth and justice and based on that of might; how the 
law of necessity, known to our courts, has been distorted into a law 
of convenience to cover all sorts of abominations from the maiming 
and murdering of chidlren to the use of women with their babes as a 
hostage against the fire of the enemy; how Christian morality has 
been shorn of its universal attribute and made to assume a provincial 
or tribal character. 

This theory of the state and of morals is a theory for pirates, for 
pirates and highbinders. Nevertheless it is the theory which for 
more than forty years has been worked into the mental and moral 
structure of the younger generations of the German people. These 
generations are absolutely devoted to their government and fii'mly con- 
vinced of the truth and value of these doctrines. We know, the whole 
world knows, the effect of this training. For the soul of these genera- 
tions molded and shaped into conformity with these doctrines has 
been laid bare in this war; and we know how horrid and repulsive that 
soul is. 

It is not at all certain that these doctrines of morals and state de- 
veloped for application against the peoples of other nations and for 
international relations have not made themselves felt in an evil way 
at home. Taking roughly the first decennial period in this century 
and reducing to a basis of equal populations the convictions for crime 
against the person in Germany was more than 50 to 1 as compared 
with England and Wales; those against property 25 to 1; illegitimate 
births 3 to 1; divorce petitions 6 to 1. The suicide of German school 
children was inci'easing at a rate described before the European War 
as "'uncanny." Among children from 10 years to 14 in Bavaria the 
suicide rate was 3 to 1; in Saxony 8 to 1. compared with the registra- 
tion area of the United States; in Berlin 15 to 1 compared with New 
York City. For the five-year period ending in 1913, the rate of adult 
suicides in Berlin was more than twice that of New York City, and 
more than three times that of London. Crime and pauperism in Ger- 
many have been increasing at an alarming rate. 

To realize yet more clearly the situation let us recall the words 
of a distinguished American of German birth and education. He says: 
"Less than thirty years ago a 'new course' was flamboyantly pro- 

is 



claimed by those in authority and the terms 'new course' became the 
order of the day. With it there came upon the German people a whole 
train of new and baneful influences and impulses, formidably stimu- 
lating as a drug. These came among other evils materialism and 
covetousness and irreligion; overweening arrogance, and impatient 
contempt for the rights of the weak, a mania for world dominion, 
and a veritable lunacy of power worship." 

3. 

PRUSSIANIZED EDUCATION: ITS MEANING FOR OUR IDEALS 
OF MORALS AND GOVERNMENT. 

With this brief account of the salient doctrines of the German 
philosophy of state and of morals so far as it bears directly on our 
theme we should now be in a position, I think, to appreciate at least 
in a measure the meaning of this philosophy for our people and its 
bearing on government conceived in liberty and dedicated to equality. 
The basis of such government is in Christian morality and the doc- 
trine of the brotherhood of men. Deny these and equality vanishes 
and slavery becomes a fixed and lawful institution. Thus in propor- 
tion as this theory of morals and of state prevails among us our high- 
est ideals of morality and government are undermined and destroyed. 

It is this Prussianized education, these would-be lofty ideas of 
morals and of state, which the German autocracy is energetically 
spreading through the world. "It is Germany's duty," says one of her 
prominent writers, "to impose her superior ethical standards on the 
world." Particularly active has she been in this country. Through 
leagues and alliances, through text-books in our schools and univer- 
sities, through a subsidized press, through Archibalds and Vierecks, 
through a thousand hidden channels, through many open channels, 
through young fools and through old fools, thi'ough wise fools and 
through ignorant fools, through designing fools and through stupid 
fools, throug'h high-brows and through low-brows, through every pos- 
sible method, device and agency she would force into the education of 
our children, of your child and of my child, her precepts of morals 
and of state, precepts whose legitimate effect would be to make our 
children worshippers of government of the autocracy, by the autoc 
racy, for the autocracy and to transform them into the likeness of 
the wild beasts which have ravaged Belgium and some other of the 
fairest regions of Europe. 

This is the Prussianization of our morals and our ideals of gov- 
ernment. 

With the object of this propaganda attained in any considerable 
measure how easy it would be to keep this country quiet while the 
rest of the world were brought, by force if necessary, under govern- 
ment Divine right. How bitter was the disappointment of the autoc- 
racly when it became apparent in this War that its carefully nurtured 
propaganda here had failed of its main purpose. 

li) 



The Insidious advances of this propaganda must be met with 
courage and eternal vigilance. Millions of our young men, the jeweled 
— the Gracchi gift of the motherhood of America to the cause of hu- 
manity and civilization — and no appeal for the cause of humanity and 
civilizatoin is ever made in vain to the womanhood of America — mil- 
lions of our young men are across the Atlantic or are destined to he 
there to battle against autocracy with all its hideous machinery of 
destruction and its heinous offences against the civilized code of honor. 
May it not happen — see to it that it does not happen — that what they 
win in Europe for liberay and government by the consent of the 
governed is lost in America by our base and supine surrender to propa- 
ganda. "Lord God of Hosts, be with us yet." 

V. 

AUTOCRACY AND CIVILIZATION. 

It would seem that the German autocrat is developing a new 
civilization distinct from the Christian. He calls it the higher civiliza- 
tion. It is characterzed by its pecular moral ideas and concepts. In- 
terpreted in the light of the War, with the law of love limited to the 
family, clan or tribe, with right based on might, with the law of 
necessity replaced by the law of convenience, this civilization appeals 
to us as atavistic, a regression to type, resting on ethical concepts 
appropriate to the life of roving robber bands in the early history of 
the race detaching from their neighbors whatever they could take and 
hold; in comprehensiveness as a system as far above the intellectual 
reach of the cave man as beyond him in cruelty and calculated beastli- 
ness. 

It was the moral phase in part. I think, which led the French 
with their quick and sure intuition to term this struggle from the be- 
ginning "The War for Civilization," only incidentally for France. 
They were holding an advanced and vital position, sadly beleaguered 
and sorely punished, almost without hope, until the forces of civiliza- 
tion could be awakened and marshalled from the conflict. Their hold- 
ing has been worthy of civilization and of France. The English were 
slow to realize the full meaning of the struggle but now they see 
and are holding as only aroused Englishmen can. The civilized worid 
is responding to the call and hastening to the battlefield in order that 
the best of the world's heritage from all the ages shall not be yielded 
up to sate the lust of a power-mad autocracy. 

For this nation the die is cast. She will sacrifice wealth and blood 
that civilization shall not go down. But if this generation should 
prove to be recreant, and we shall not, but if we should, then would 
ring forth again* the command "Les morts, debut: The Dead, arise, 
Forward" and we should see the long line of blue, the living and the 
dead, the Grand Army of the Republic, sweeping forward to save 
that nation which was conceived in liberty and dedicated to equality, 
to beat back the forces of autocracy and free the peoples they have 

20 



subjugated and enslaved and to make way once more for all that 
is highest and best in our civilization. 

VI. 
THE CIVIL WAR AND THE WORLD WAR. 

The Civil War was the crowning event in the life of the nation 
preceding the present struggle. It freed four million slaves and proved 
that in the nation founded by the fathers the forces which make for 
union are stronger than those for disunion. It settled for all time, 
we hope, that this nation is one and indivisible. It has revealed the 
power and beneficence of self government by a free and enlightened 
people. 

We may now see that the Civil War was an important step ip 
the great process of emancipation of the race, a process which for 
the most part lies hidden in the womb of the future. At the close of 
the Civil War it could not have been foreseen that within half a cen- 
tury a world struggle would arise in the attempt of an ambitious 
autocracy to rule the world and make impossible of realization pre- 
cisely those conceptions of government for which the Grand Army 
fought and bled. But it is so. The conflict is on. The Civil War is, 
therefore, no longer simply a great event in the life of a single nation, 
it is all that, but has become a great event in world history and in 
the advancement of civilization. This it has been potentially; this it 
now has become actually. The courage, the heroism and the devotion 
v/hich won that struggle have ceased to be peculiarly our own and 
hav6 become in the largest and best sense the common property of 
the world. Our heroes have become Avorld heroes. 

The struggle which ended at Appomattox is destined to play, I 
believe, an increasingly important part in human affairs. The prin- 
ciples of government there finally and firmly established for this nation 
will appeal more and more strongly to the people of the earth until at 
last government by the people for the people will be contei'minous 
with civilization. The autocracy may be right after all in its belief 
of an irrepressible conflict and that the only alternative to ultimate 
downfall is world-power and world-dominion. 

VII. 

THE GRAND ARMY. 

You see the members of the Grand Army marching along the 
street, with heads erect but shoulders stooped, with chest forward and 
a quick step; but you miss the fire in the eye and the exlutation in 
the heart and the vision of deeds and comrades an4 leaders of other 
days. You may be tempted to give but a passing thought. But hold. 
They are the owners of the land. They bared their breasts to musket 
ball and cannon shot. They struggled in the fierce personal combat 
with saber and bayonet. They proffered the supremest sacrifice men 

21 



are ever called on to make to purchase privileges which you and I 
enjoy and prize most. Their title is unassailable. It is written in that 
record the ages are keeping in letters of gold, where Greece stands 
in the name of Leonidas and his Spartan band, and Rome in that of 
Horatius, him that kept the bridge in the brave days of old. They are 
the rightful proprietors here, but they are freely and graciously be- 
stowing on us these rights and privileges. They are princes among 
men. Let us life our hearts and voices in honor to them. Do it now. 
Down with the spirit that would crucify the living to make saints of 
the dead. The day is drawing to a close. Do not let them depart 
until we have shown appreciation of the courage, the generosity and 
the largeness of soul that mark heroes. Let us be devoutly thankful 
for the heritage of devotion they have given us. We are but sodden 
clay if it does not fire us into a nobler manhood and womanhood. 

They are but a remnant. Across the river, almost in view, just 
beyond the trees, in the fields of Elysium is a mighty host of their 
comrades, the world's crowned immortals, those who made way for 
liberty, made way and died, each awarded the deed of honor in the 
meaure of his devotion. There is the great silent commander whose 
hand was as gentle in peace as strong in war. There, too, towers the 
figure of another, intellectually and spiritually of larger mold than any 
other this continent has produced, in prophetic insight, in clearness 
and splendor of vision matchless since the days of Isaiah, whose 
hope was to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him that had 
borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan. 

What treasures in our nation's life are here. May they be hal- 
lowed in every heart. What examples of patriotism to fire the 
imagination and mold the character of our youth to the end of time. 
Inspired by them the present .generation will take up the tasks of 
the morrow soberly and seriously, will consecrate itself anew to the 
duties and responsibilities of an enlightened and enlarged citizenship, 
enlarged since we now stand consciously in a new relation to the 
world, and with courage and resolution, whatever the sacrifices may 
be, will press to a successful conclusion the present stupendous strug- 
gle for self-government, for humanity and for civilization. When this 
task is accomplished then we may answer back to the great leader of 
the Civil War that the honored dead who died that this nation might 
live have not died in vain and that the spirit of the Grand Army work- 
ing through the present generation has wrought the mightiest eman- 
cipation the world has known. 



June 7, 1918 

Our government warns that German agents are spreading the 
report through the country that our Allies are not doing their part 
in this struggle and are giving us, consequently, more than our share. 
The object is to create distrust and weaken our morale and lessen 
our efforts in this crisis. 

Remember that the Teutons were ready when the War began and 
that the Allies were not, that large numbers of allied soldiers were 
permanently put out of action in stopping Germany's first fierce 
rushes to gain an immediate decision, that Russia dropped out prac- 
tically as soon as England got ready, that the advantage in man 
power is now with the Teuton as seven to six and that he is operat- 
ing on interior lines. The Teuton is exerting himself to the utmost 
to win before our Government can give effective help. This is why 
German agents wish us to delay the sending of fighting men to the 
front. They recommend that our men receive long training here, 
the longer the better; in fact, they prefer that our men stay per- 
manently on this side. 

It is absurd to think that the Allies are shirking. Shirking now 
spells for them absolute ruin. Britain has seven millions in the field 
and one-half million on the sea. She is keeping order in Egypt and 
India and Ireland in spite of German agents and is doing her share 
of the fighting on every front and her far flung battle line has many 
fronts. Her mighty battleships swing across the North Sea and 
as a result our .shores are free from molestation by the German 
fleet. The British sailors are giving the German submarines the 
time of their lives, even if one or two of the latter did get across 
the Atlantic a few days ago. 

Beware of those whispering propagandists who uphold our Gov- 
ernment in public and damn our Allies in private. The chances are 
that at heart they are yellow. They are working in the interest, if 
not in the employ, of the German government. Beware of the man 
who has not yet decided on which side he stands and wants to "play 
little wife to both." It is no time for such nonsense. It is too 
costly. Our rights as a free and independent nation are at stake. 
Your brother and your son will have to lay down his life in atonement 
if you and I make the mistake of following the advice of German 
agents. 



July 12, 1918 

The present War was begun for the aggrandizement of the Teu- 
tonic autocracy. That is still its object. Government by the con- 
sent of the governed, if it exists at all at the end of the War, is to 
occupy an inferior position. There is none to blink the issue. The 
fight is on. The autocracy means to win. If the sword fails, then 
diplomacy must secure the victory. It is a life and death struggle 
for free peoples. 

Foreign Secretary Von Kuehlmann demanded as a basis of peacb 
negotiations the recognition of the Central European Empire, or, as 
he blandly put.^ it, the boundaries of the four Central Powers "as 
prescribed by history." This in itself is an overwhelming victory 
for the Central Powers, so flexible are "the boundary prescribed by 
history," He further demanded the "Freedom of the Seas." In time 
of peace the sea is now as free as the air we breathe. This freedom 
was wo.i and held for us by the British navy. It is one of Britain's 
great contributions to civilization. The phrase, the Fdeedom of the 
Seas, has no meaning for peace; it looks to a state of war. In war 
the belligerent that can not maintain the freedom of the seas has 
no right to it. 

Boon, a member of the Prussian Upper, House, interprets some- 
what loosely, perhaps, the Junker idea of "The Freedom of the Seas" 
to mean that Britain surrender her fleet and give up such naval and 
coaling stations as Germany may designate; possibly, Halifax, the 
Bermudas and Vancouver. This gives Germany mastery over the 
seas. From Belgium we may learn what German mastery means. 
Th.^ Central European Empire gives mastery over the land so far as 
the eastern hemisphere is concerned; the Freedom of the Seas mast- 
ery over the waters of the entire earth. This means world domina- 
tion. On this basis Germany is willing to consider peace. 

Lest we should fail to understand all that is sinister in the Ger- 
man idea of the Freedom of the Seas, Dernberg, of blessed memory, 
rises to explain. He says: "Unhindered supplies, or all that is usual- 
ly comprehended under the Freedom of the Seas must be guaranteed 
to the Central Powers. This guarantee of unhindered supplies in 
terferes with the right of Congress under the Constitution to regulate 
commerce with foreign nations. It abridges our sovereignty, as like- 
wise that of our allies. It levies tribute on the industry and resources 
of th^ world America will not bow the neck to that yoke; she will 
not pay tribute to Germany. 

Assuming that the jn-esent conflict may result in a draw the 
Teutons have prepared another threat against the world. Their 
peace terms with Russia give them control of the great natural 
highways by which early peoples reached Europe from their orig- 

24 



inal home in Central Asia. By means of railways along these routes, 
and Russia has built important sections of these roads, they plan to 
open the way for commerce with the east, China, India and Japan, 
It is an all land route or by inland waters with no land competition 
and inaccessible from the sea. Having secured commerce with the 
east the Teutons will be in a position to reopen the question of world 
domination with greatly improved chances. No blockade could then 
hurt them seriously. Their submarines, If no device or agency should 
be discovered for combatting them effectively, could make ocean-going 
trade by either canal, Suez or Panama, or by either cape, Good Hope 
or Horn, c;o costly and dangerous as practically to stop commercial 
relations between Asia on the one hand and America and western 
Europe on the other. By means of this virtual blockade the Teutons 
think it should be possible to force the yielding of America and 
Britain and thus to win the goal of their ambition, the domination 
of the world. The Saulsbury resolution recently introduced into the 
Senate providing for the tripartite control of the Pacific by England. 
Japan and the United States recognizes that the Teutons may not be 
so considerate as to postpone this attack on commerce with the east 
until the next war. 

The only effective bar against this threat is to defeat German;? 
now, beat her to her knees, destroy her land power, take from her 
the means of again disturbing the peace of the world of her own 
will and choice, punish her so thoroughly that she will be able to 
distinguish a hospital ship from merchantman and avoid it from a? 
great a distance as she is now able to hit a church or cathedral 
with her long range guns, so thoroughly that her abominations In 
Belgium and elsewhere will look as ugly to her as they do now to 
the rest ot the world. 

We have added this year one million tons to our shipping and 
are adding more. We have one million armed men in France and 
can put another million there in a short time. We have a population 
of rather more than one hundred and ten million — more than the total 
of Great Britain and Ireland, Prance and Italy. We can raise and 
support as large an army as can all these nations combined. The 
American people are ready and waiting to send an army of five mil- 
lions across the sea and to support the fighting line with a reserve of 
three millions more a( home just as soon as our Government calls, 
America is ready to build ships and to furnish all money and supplies 
necessary to keep the Teutons from getting a death grip on the 
throat of the world, so that they can make our children and our 
children's children their industrial and political slaves. America must 
be made safe for our children and for the development of our institu- 
tions. The world must be made safe for free government. America 
can make it so, and she will. 



Our €aunivv 

(A Fragment.) 
July, 1918. 

Ours is a large country. It Is unified and held together by the 
ease of intercommunication between its several parts. The great 
rivers of the Mississippi valley, affording the means of communication 
from north to south and from south to north, are chains binding the 
inhabitants of the valley into one great people. They are the Al- 
mighty's pledge that this valley shall not be separated into two na- 
tions by an east and west line. This pledge blocked the efforts of the 
Confederacy to set up a new nation. The railroads would relieve the 
Almighty of this responsibility by opposing an increase of river naviga- 
tion and by paralleling the rivers with lines of railway. While we 
prefer that railways supplement rather than displace river navigation, 
still these railways stimulate trade and travel along the great natural 
highways and consequently tend hold the valley as one people. But 
were every railroad to go into bankruptcy tomorrow the Almighty's 
pledge would still prevail and preserve us from any division into two 
nations by a line athwart the valley. 

The Atlantic, the Gulf and the Pacific operate to hold the dwellers 
in our coastal territory in one political organization. The Great Lakes 
and the trans-continental lines of railway bind the Atlantic with the 
Pacific. These agencies are supplemented by the telegraph and the 
telephone. Thus the work of man to improve communication is co- 
operating with the forces of nature, all tending in the same direction 
to hold us as parts of one and the same social and political entity. 

As a somewhat more subtle influence the great newspapers are 
fin important agency in molding thought and unifying purpose so that 
we may be in truth on peeople. In our city libraries we find papers 
from Boston, New York, Washington, New Orleans, Denver, Los An- 
geles, San Francisco, Minneapolis, Chicago, St. Louis. From these 
papers we may gather the thoughts and sentiments of the people of 
the different parts of the country and thus place ourselves in a posi- 
tion to prevent, or at least to check, that ingrowing tendency to provin- 
cialism and consequent sectionalism, to hinder the development of the 
magnified ego, which would sacrifice the interests of the nation as a 
whole for some petty concern of our own. 

Our postal system, providing the means for easy and rapid com- 
munication, is another strong agency for unification. So far, hov/- 
ever, as the zone system hinders the distribution of our great papers 
and tends to change their character from a national to purely local 
one, so far does it work against the unification of the nation. This 
is far above any mere money consideration and is entitled to the earnest 
consideration of every patriot. 

Seventeen million of our people are foreign born. This is almost 
one-sixth of our entire population. These foreign-born bring their 

•2t) 



own customs, habits of thought and their own language. They do not 
speak our tongue or think our thoughts or possess our ideals of life 
and morals or share our views relating to government. In many cases 
they have their own language newspapers. These seem to make it 
unnecessary to learn to use our tongue. Many of these foreign-born, in 
consequence remain incommunicado so far as we are concerned. They 
are not in the melting pot. The process of amalgamation does not 
touch them. They contribute nothing to our social and political life; 
we have no influence on theirs. They are always looking toward the 
east when we are facing the west and looking toward the west when 
we are facing the east. They are the legitimate prey of the anarchist 
and the dynamiter. The demagogue can play his game to the limit 
through their language newspapers without serious danger of detection 
and exposure. So long as they refuse to learn and use our speech they 
constitute a grave menace to our liberties and our institutions. 

The Bethlehem Steel Company employes about 20,000 men. Of 
these 10,000, one-half the total number, are foreign-born. These foreign- 
born speak fifty-eight different languages. Of these 10,000 more than 
one-half replied en inquiry that they did not wish to become citizens 
of this country. The older men said that their money would be taken 
from them if they became citizens. This word had been whispered 
about among them. So long as they do not speak our tongue there is 
no effective way to meet these slanders. These prospective citizens 
had been poisoned by unscrupulous plotters and foreign agents to their 
own hurt and to the hurt of the country whose hospitality they shared. 

The building of the tower of Babel had to be discontinued because 
of the confusion of tongues. No other great structure can be erected 
where the workers cannot understand one another. No great or 
permanent state can be constructed on the polyglott plan. There 
might be, just as well, fifty-eight Chinese walls in this country as 
fifty-eight different spoken tongues. In fact the inert Chinese walls 
would constitute a far less dangerous obstacle to free intercommuni- 
cation and be fraught with less serious consequences to our social and 
political life. 

The confusion of tongues is the Almighty's mark for destruction. 
Either Austria-Hungary's many tongues will be merged into one or 
Austria-Hungary will cease to form one independent state. The 
Almighty knows that the confusion of tongues will stop the building 
of a state as certainly as it did that of the tower of Babel. 

In South Dakota at least twenty-five languages are brought into 
the State yearly according to recent reports on Vital Statistics. The 
question of language is a serious one for this commonwealth. It is not 
inknown even now that communities have been formed in this State 
■vhich hold their own laws and customs to be superior in binding force 
lo the laws of the State and nation. However admirable in many 
(■espects these people may be, and we have no desire to bring against 
them a railing accusation, their course spells but one thing for the 



states and that is ruin in the measure their program prevails among 
our citizens. 

It is sometimes apparently held that the remedy for all these evils 
lies in having the foreign-born assume citizenship at once on his 
arrival to our shores. But it ought not to be necessary to argue that a 
wolf in the sheepfold is more dangerous to the sheep than a wolf 
outside the sheepfold. An alien who does not know our tongue and 
will not learn it is all the more dangerous with the power of the ballot 
in his possession. By all means withhold citizenship and the privilege 
of voting until the immigrant has learned to speak fluently our 
language, so that he may understand us and we may understand him. 
In the case of immigrants from countries having dual citizenship laws 
deny the rights of citizenship to all foreign-born. To their children 
born and brought up in this country the privilege of citizenship possibly 
might be open. In this way, perhaps, some of the obvious evils of 
dual citizenship might be lessened. 

With unlimited confidence in the justness and efficiency of our 
principles of government we have been an easy-going people politically. 
But a great nation, no more than a great building, can be constructed 
without thought and almost infinite care and trouble. Nations have 
their periods of youth and growth, of maturity and power, of old age 
and decay. We can not allow communities with Strang tongues to 
grow up in our midst without hastening the period of age and decay. 
As every nation in history guilty of negligence regarding God's man- 
date on the confusion of tongues has suffered, so must we reap the 
consequences of stupidity or indifference or of political cowardice. The 
nation the fathers founded can not endure half American and half 
polyglott. We have no real need of the foreign language newspaper. 
It is a menace. Let us insist that the foreigner who comes to dwell 
with us shall show us the decent respect of learning our language, so 
that he may communicate to us what he brings of value in social or 
moral or political thought, so that we may make clear to him our aims 
and purposes. Ease of intercommunication is necessary to our unity 
and to our permanence as a nation. Let us steadily and continually 
press for the realization of the truth that this is one people with one 
tongue and one flag. 

#ontc War ^Problems 

The Freedom of the Seas. 

July and August, 1918. 

We are at war with a great nation. We were forced into the 
struggle in spite of earnest efforts to keep out. We complied with the 
requirements of international law and exercised a forbearance quite 
unusual in the case of first class powers. Nevertheless our antagonist 

2S 



was not satisfied until we had taken up the gage of battle which he 
had thrown down. What is the character of our opponent? What are 
his aims? Why was he so eager to compel our entrance into the 
conflict? 

CHARACTER. 

Germany is governed by an autocracy. This autocracy rules by 
Divine right. In its philosophy of state and morals power or might 
makes right. Since the state is the expression of greatest power or 
might in society, whatever the state does or directs is right. There- 
fore, whatever the autocracy directs is righe and should be obeyed. 

Since might makes right treaties are to be observed only so long 
as they may be advantageous to the stronger contracting power. They 
are "scraps of paper." There is no international law in time of war 
because there is no power able to enforce it against Germany. It is 
right to corrupt the citizens of a neighboring state, to foment industrial 
troubles and to incite to crime and insurrection so long and so far as 
this interference is not effectively resented. In all these cases the 
power to do things with impunity confers the right to do them. 

In this philosophy the state is the highest ideal of organized society 
as well as the embodiment of its power. Consequently it is the highest 
duty of the citizen to serve the state. The greater the service to the 
state by its citizens the higher in the scale of development is their 
civilization. The Germans surpass all other peoples in their service of 
the state. Therefore, they stand above and apart from all other peoples 
in culture and civilization. They are the chosen people. They are to 
dominate the nations of the earth. In the great ruling organization or 
empire through which this domination is to be exercised only those of 
German blood and speech are to have the rights of citizens. The 
subject races or nationalities will be forced to find their highest mission 
in ministering to the needs and wishes of their German rulers. Their 
own aims and hopes are to be given up and their activities directed 
to the exaltation of the German people. And as a necessary conse- 
quence of this situation the arrogance of the Germans toward subject 
peoples will be increased. 

This philosophy is based on the theory of the survival of the fittest 
in the struggle for existence, a struggle in which pity and mercy have 
no place. It is a ruthless application of the doctrine of the bloody 
tooth and claw. It is a biological law transferred without modification 
to the realm of international relations. Whether power is won in open 
and honorable struggle or by deceit and treachery is a matter of indif- 
ference. In either case it increases the chances of the survival in the 
struggle for existence. Further power or success throws over actions 
of whatever character the mantle and sanctity of right. Power is the 
principal thing. Therefore get power. It is not merely a fortunate 
thing for the state to increase its power, it is a positive duty to do so. 
And in thus increasing its power the rights and privileges of other 
nations are to be disregarded and overridden. Toward other nations 

29 



and other peoples the German Is as ruthless as toward the unprotected 
traveller on the sea. 

AIMS. 

The aim of the German is, as his theory requires, world power and 
world domination. He has phrased it to himself as world power or 
downfall. This world power is all embracing. A German writer says: 
"If we are asked whether we wish to establish a world power towering 
so far above all other world powers that it is in reality the only world 
power, then the answer is that the will to world power is immeasure- 
able. Less even than a great power can a world power ever be 
satisfied."' 

The conception of world power has received much attention from 
German writers and publicists. It has proven to be particularly attrac- 
tive to the Pan-German. He publishes with the utmost frankness 
regarding that portion of his neighbor's territory which should be 
incorporated at the earliest possible moment into the German empire. 
In his explanation of the justness and desirability of such action he is 
embarrased by no delicacy of feeling and is indifferent to the deep 
resentment his statements are awakening in his neighbor. The 
amenities and conventionalities of intercourse between friendly peoples 
are as banalities to him. Hence he usually illustrates his theme with 
maps so as not to be misunderstood or not to mollify in any way the 
bluntness of his treatment of the subject. The successive steps by 
which world power is to be realized have been worked out, many of 
them, in great detail by the German General Staff. World domination 
was based on a central European empire. In the winning of this 
empire the World War was a necessary step. Just how much more was 
to be realized from the war it is not now possible to state definitely. 
If the outcome of the war should be favorable much might be realized. 
But should the result be against him, the Teuton would deny that 
conquest had ever been a part of his aims. He was fighting simply 
in defense of the Fatherland. The course of the war generally has 
been favorable to the Germans, inclining sometimes to the one side and 
sometimes to the other. When the tide has been with the Teuton his 
greed and cruelty and arrogance have known no limit; when it has beep 
against him he has been an ardent lover of peace on the basis of the 
status quo ante. 

REASONS FOR FORCING THE UNITED STATES INTO THE WAR 

The German autocracy rules by Divine right. In this country 
however, the powers of government are derived from the consent of 
the governed. The two conceptions of government are in violent 
antagonism. The two sources of power are as far apart as the poles. 
Government by the consent of the governed has appealed widely and 
strongly to the peoples of the earth. Where an unhindered choice has 
been possible they have preferred government by the consent of the 
governed to that by Divine right. This possibility and danger was 

30 



clearly foreseen by the Holy Alliance. It attempted to stifle popular 
government. The German autocracy is the heir of the Holy Alliance. 
It is the enemy of government by the people. The ultimate aims of the 
autocracy must include, therefore, the overthrow or humiliation of the 
most formidable representative of popular government. This is also 
necessary to world power. The survival of the fittest in the struggle 
for existence requires that government by the people shall perish from 
the earth in order that government by Divine right may flourish in 
all its proper richness and luxuriance. The overthrow may be accom- 
plished by force of arms or by the undermining process of the German 
propaganda. Propaganda is the cheaper method. But it was apparent 
by the end of the year 1916 that German propaganda in this country, 
although strong, was not strong enough to control the policy of the 
government. This had to be gained, if at all, by war. 

At times the German has had visions of complete victory. He was 
rather more than obsessed with these in 1914. He foresaw the Russian 
collapse in 1917 while yet others only suspected it. He had direct 
information of the progress of his plottings there. With Russia out of 
the way the decisive defeat and humiliation of France and Britain in a 
short time seemed to him assured. In the peace terms dictated to his 
enemies he could recoup himself for all his losses. Further he could 
levy on the fleets of France and Britain until sea domination should 
pass definitely and unquestionably to him. He could also greatly 
increase his man power by absorbing French and British possessions 

Under such circumstances the good will of the United States did 
not seem to be worth any considerable sacrifice. If she entered the 
war at all, and this was doubtful, she could not make her influence felt, 
so he reasoned, until long after France and England had been crushed 
And then standing alone she would be no match for the forces Germany 
could bring against her. Thus at one stroke in his visions his principal 
rivals and antagonists were vanquished and his dream of world power 
was realized. So at the end of the year 1916 it seemed to the German 
an auspicious time to force a situation which meant war with the 
United States or, if not war, a diplomatic humiliation of this govern- 
ment which would be even more disastrous to our world influence than 
defeat in war. Whether the German was correct in his forecast, the 
outcome of the war alone can tell. At present there is much to suggest 
that the Teuton made a slight miscalculation and that, in consequence, 
the realization of his hopes will have to be postponed indefinitely. 

There is some evidence to show that before 1914 our diplomats 
were wont to maintain a deferential and complaisant attitude toward 
Germ.an diplomacy. There are some indications, I fear, that the leading 
strings binding us to Germany were not cut until long after the 
outbreak of the World War, possibly not completely cut until a 
considerable time had elapsed after our entrance in to the war. It 
may be permissible, then, to call attention to the patent fact that no 
real sympathy, no partnership based on mutual interest, in the nature 
of the case, can exist between the German government and our own. 



This arises in part from the enduring enmity of the autocracy toward 
free government. It comes in part from the determination of the 
autocracy to dominate the world and to subject all nations, our own 
included, to the imperious will that rules Germany. 

The World War has brought forward some great problems for 
decision. Americans are obliged perforce to forget their traditional 
isolation and consider these problems in the light of history and in 
their bearing on the interests of the family of nations as a whole. 
Some of these problems are so bound up with the aims and purposes 
of the autocracy that we can comprehend their full significance only 
in the measure that we grasp the trend and character of German 
ambitions. 

I. 

THE FREEDOM OF THE SEAS. 

One of these problems is The Freedom of the Seas. Let us study 
it in relation to the preceding discussion. We will first state the prob- 
lem as it had formulated itself in the period preceding the war. 
Briefly and only in outline its main features follow: 

The phrase, the Freedom of the Seas, is a technical one. In time 
of peace the seas are now as free as the air we breathe. They were 
not always so. Not many centuries ago certain nations claimed and 
enforced the right to exclude from designated parts of the open seas 
all vessels not carrying their flag. The celebrated treatise of Grotius 
on The Freedom of the Seas was an argument for the rights of all 
vessels of whatever nationality, and of the Dutch in particular, to sail 
the open seas in time of peace without let or hindrance. It had nothing 
to do with a state of war. But the case for the freedom of the seas in 
time of peace was won after a long struggle on the seas by Britain. 
Then it was necessary to police these waters for many of them were 
infested with pirates. These had to be exterminated and piracy 
completely suppressed. This again was largely the work of Britain. 
Thus the Freedom of the Seas in times of peace is one of Britain's 
great contributions to civilization. 

The Freedom of the Seas in contemporary discussion can not 
refer, therefore, to a time of peace. In fact it contemplates a state of 
war, is a war phrase. The weaker belligerent on the sea and the 
neutral who wishes to avail himself of blockade prices for his goods 
are always clamorous for the Freedom of the Seas, and naturally so. 
In addition there are certain publicists who have advocated the doctrine 
in the belief, a mistaken one, we think, that its acceptance as a part of 
the law of nations would tend to discourage war and promote peace. 

In the discussions of the Freedom of the Seas in the period 
immediately preceding the war three principal views were brought 
forward, which I shall designate as 1. The Traditional View; 2. The 
American View; 3. The German View. 

:52 



THE TRADITIONAL VIEW. 

The Traditional View is based primarily on the distinction between 
enemy commerce on the sea and neutral. The underlying principle is 
that enemy goods on the sea are liable to seizure whether in enemy 
or neutral ships; that neutral goods not contraband are not so liable 
This principle has been somewhat modified in practice. The most 
important change was made in the Declaration of Paris which laid 
down the rule that the neutral flag covers enemy goods not contraband. 
Neutral goods may become so identified with enemy in two principal 
ways as to be liable to seizure. They may be contraband or they may 
be involved in the vessel's attempt to run a blockade. In some cases a 
neutral ship carrying contraband is liable to confiscation. This is 
always true when the vessel is taken in an attempt to evade a blockade. 

In all cases involving the seizure of neutral property, whether 
goods or ship, it must be brought by the captor into one of his own 
ports and then turned over to a regularly organized court, the so-called 
prize court, in order that the legality of the seizure may be determined. 
This procedure gives the neutral an opportunity to defend his goods or 
vessel and to show, if he can, that he is entitled to its return with 
damages. But ft is only after a hearing in court that neutral property 
may be adjudged a lawful prize and condemned. 

These statements are sufficient, perhaps, to characterize this 
view of the Freedom of the Seas. Of course it is the merest outline. 
For details and exceptions and disputed cases a standard treatise on 
international law may be consulted. 

THE AMERICAN VIEW. 

The American view is grounded on the distinction between public 
property and private at sea. Normally no property at sea is liable to 
capture or confiscation except enemy public property. Contraband 
may be seized, but usually this is enemy public property. In this view 
as in the preceding a judicial review of the case in a port of the 
belligerent making the capture precedes the confiscation of neutral 
property. In this way the interests of the neutral and the belligerent 
are guarded. This view is very favorable to neutral trade. It would 
insist that warring nations interfere as little as possible with seagoing 
commerce. It is further in accord with the conception of war as a 
struggle between the armed forces of the contending nations and not 
between their citizens as such. 

It ignores the fact that with this view prevailing all enemy public 
property would appear on the sea ostensibly as private property. From 
this fact would arise endless disputes in court and ultimately in diplo- 
matic circles as to the real character and ownership of the property in 
question. And in these disputes lurks always the possibility and the 
danger of war. 

Further, the normal procedure of the belligerent desiring to evade 
the rules holding under this view is greatly to extend the list of contra- 

33 



band. And in this is another source of friction between neutrals and 
belligerents. In consequence it can not be affirmed with confidence 
that in practice the American view would work more smoothly and 
satisfactorily in adjusting the conflicting claims of neutral and melliger- 
ent than the Traditional View does. 

Admiral Mahan, the author of the Influence of Sea Power on 
History, opposes the American position in these words: "Ships and 
cargoes in transit upon the sea are private property in only one point 
of view and that the narrowest. Internationally considered they are 
national wealth in the course of reproducing and multiplying itself, to 
the intensification of the national power, and that by the most effective 
process; for it relieves the nation from feeding itself, and makes the 
whole outer world contribute to its support. It is, therefore, a most 
proper object of attack; more humane, and more conducive to the 
objects of war, than the slaughter of men. A great check to war 
would be removed by assuring immunity to a nation's sea-borne trade 
the life-blood of its power, the assurer of its credit, the purveyor of 
its comfort." 

THE GERMAN VIEW. 

The German View is characterized broadly by its failure to make 
any distinction between neutral and enemy commerce. Germany 
claims the right, for instance, to locate mines in home or enemy waters 
or upon the open sea, thus making navigation dangerous alike to 
friend and foe, neutral and belligerent. For carrying contraband neutral 
vessels may be punished by seizure and destruction. At the second 
Hague Conference Germany expressed a willingness to agree to the 
rule that enemy merchant vessels should not be molested except when 
carrying contraband or attempting to run a blockade. These rules 
must be combined with another, viz., that Germany permits her 
merchant vessels to change their character on the high seas Thev 
may there throw aside their peaceful character and become vessels of 
v/ar. This is contrary to the Traditional View and to American practice, 
v.'^hich requires this change to be made in a home port of the vessel. 
Thus the German rule permits a merchantman to leave a port with & 
legitimate cargo. She may then on the open sea or at some neutral 
port take on guns and munitions. When outside neutral jurisdiction she 
may assume the character of a war vessel and prey on enemy and 
neutral commerce, destroying merchant vessels on the ground that 
they were carrying contraband. In the German theory there is no 
requirement that the vessel shall be brought into port in order to settle 
the question of the legitimacy of the capture before a prize court. This 
question may be settled once for all by a "Quarter-deck decision" 
given by the officer making the capture. The neutral has no recourse 
e^ccept to appeal usually through diplomatic channels. If finally the 
case be referred to a prize court the neutral may find his case compro- 
mised by the loss or destruction of the ship's papers. 

The reason for German insistance on contraband is clear. She had 



war material in abundance, was, in fact, one great arsenal. Other 
nations were not so supplied with war munitions. In the event of war 
they would need to supplement their stores by importation. These 
munitions would be contraband and the vessels carrying them liable 
to capture and confiscation or destruction. Germany would need no 
such imports. She could well afford to make all vessels, enemy as well 
as neutral immune from capture so long as they carried food and 
clothing and other non-contraband articles which Germany would 
certainly need in time of war, provided she were permitted to capture 
or destroy all vessels carrying contraband. For without this importa- 
tion of war supplies her m.ost probable enemy could not carry on war 
at all. Under the conditions prevailing before the World "War with the 
rule desired by Germany in force a contest between Germany and the 
United States would have been decided against the latter before she 
could have provided even a small army with adequate arms and 
equipm.ent. The legitimate effect of such a rule would be that nations 
increase their armament and keep their military establishments in 
readiness for instant war. 

THE PEACE CONFERENCE. 

The subject of contraband engaged the attention of the Second 
Hague Conference held in 1907. The British delegates proposed to 
abolish contraband altogether. This proposal, however, did not gain 
the endorsement of the Conference, being opposed by the United States 
and Germany. In view of the groups of nations at war the alignment 
on this question is interesting. Opposing the proposal were the United 
States, Germany, Austria-Hungary and Turkey; in favor, Great Britain. 
France, Russia, Italy and Japan, to give only the principal nations 
represented. Had this proposal been accepted by the Conference then 
the only interference at sea with neutral property would have arisen 
in connection with blockade. 

The delegates from the United States proposed that conditional 
contraband be abolished. But this proposal did not commend itself to 
the Conference. The German delegates not only desired to retain 
contraband but also sought to soften the doctrine of "continuous 
voyage." This latter doctrine is frequently, but not necessarily, 
connected with contraband. The reason for the German attitude on 
this question is apparent. In the event of the blockade of her coast, 
as in the present war, she could the more readily secure supplies 
through her neutral neighbors. 

While the attitude of the German delegates toward the doctrine 
of continuous voyage and the abolishing of contraband is perfectly 
clear and intelligible that of the delegates from the United States in 
opposing this latter proposition and in advocating the abolishing of 
conditional contraband is something of a puzzle, unless we make the 
unwelcome assumption that these delegates were being used as a cat's 
paw for Germany and her allies. Their attitude in both cases favored 
Germany, while with the abolition of contraband nearly everything the 

35 



Americans professed to want except the prohibition of the commercial 
blockade would have been gained. 

"In My Pour Years in Germany" Ambassador Gerrard says: "Von 
Bethmann-Hollweg always desired to make any settlement of the 
submarine question contingent upon our doing something against Great 
Britain," p. 337. And again, pp. 340, 341: "He [the German emperor] 
asked me why we had done nothing to Great Britain because of her 
alleged violations of international law — why we had not broken the 
British blockade." And. p. 342, "I said that it was not our business to 
break the blockade — that there were plenty of German agents in the 
United States who could send food ships and test the question." 

How delicately the suggestion is put in the last sentence. From 
all these things one untutored in the ways of diplomacy might be 
tempted to suspect that for a long time it has been the custom of 
German and American diplomats, whenever two or three of them are 
gathered together, to discuss ways and means of embarrassing Great 
Britain. The dickering seems to have a background. For the Kaiser 
is apparently pained at the unwonted and reluctant attitude of the 
United States. 

MINES. 

At this same Conference Britain proposed to prohibit the use of 
unanchored, automatic mines at sea which do not become harmless 
as soon as they break from their anchorage; to prohibit the laying of 
mines in the open sea; to permit it only in the waters of the belligerents 
and there only before naval ports and not before commercial ones, 
where they m.ight interfere with neutral commerce. 

These proposals make for the freedom and safety of the sea for 
nc-utral commerce; but they were rejected by the Conference. Germ.any 
opposed any restrictions whatever on the right to lay mines at sea, or 
to use mines to obstruct commerce. In a war between England ani 
Germ.any it was readily seen that German commerce would be driven 
from the ocean except so far as it might be carried in neutral bottom--. 
Consequently mines placed anywhere at sea would not interfere with 
German shippinfi:. They might, hov/ever, prove to be very annoyin^r 
to Great Britain. And it is not in accord with German policy to be 
concerned with the interests of neutrals. Germany did propose that 
all mines be prohibited for a period of five years. This was inter- 
preted at the time to mean that she did not anticipate war in that 
period. The American dele.5:ates seem, to have taken little interest in 
the question of mines at sea. I have been unable to find any explicit 
reference to their attitude on this question. 

The attitudes "of the three countries, Great Britain, Germany and 
America, at the two Conferences of Hague and London are sum.mariz'=>d 
by a British writer on international law somewhat on this fashion: 

The British aim was to reduce to a minimum the restrictions upon 
neutral trade consistent with the maintenance of the chief offensive 



weapon of a naval power— the weapon of attack against the trade of 
its enemy. 

The German view was, as far as possible, to disarm the stronger 
naval power while leaving to the weaker naval power every weapon of 
offence or defence. In pressing this purpose no regard whatever was 
had to the rights of neutrals. 

The American view was to abolish all restrictions upon sea goin-; 
trade, neutral and belligerent alike, in time of war, save only the 
carriage of contraband: thus depriving sea power of its chief weapon 
of offence. 

The German aim and the American are alike In striving to deprive 
sea-power of its chief offensive weapon, an attack on enemy commerce. 
They differ in that while Germany aggressively seeks advantage f o ■ 
the weaker sea-power America is content with advantages to neutral 
commerce. 

THE FREEDOM OF THE SEAS SINCE 1914. 

Let us first consider the American view as it is at present purely 
academical, having had no appreciable influence on the course of events 
in the war. The American view of the Freedom of the Seas was 
drawn up by Secretary Lansing for the meeting of the American 
Institute of International Law held at Havana, January 22, 1917. 
According to the Independent the American view is as follows: 

'The commercial blockade, both of belligerent ports and tho 
maritime zones along belligerent coasts, is formally forbidden, no 
matter what the means by which the blockade is to be effected. 
Private property on the open sea is inviolable. Belligerent and neutral 
merchant vessels may in no case be confiscated or sunk, under any 
pretext wTiatever. If carrying contraband, this may be confiscated or 
destroyed by the captor. The right of search is abolished. The official 
or private postal correspondence of neutrals or belligerents found in 
the open sea on board a neutral or enemy vessels is inviolable." 

This is the latest formulation of the American view. It forbids 
the capture of private property at sea, the confiscation or sinking of 
mercha,ntmen, the interference with mails, the commercial blockade, 
and the right of search. 

The only way in which a belligerent may lawfully interfere with 
commerce is in the case of contraband taken either on the open sea 
or in an attempt to evade blockade. In denying the right of search, 
however, this theory prohibits the belligerent from determining whether 
any given vessel is carrying contraband. For no honest skipper would 
ever be found at sea. whatever his cargo, with irregular or compro- 
mising papers. 

Thus the American view in its most recent formulation practically 
forbids any interference with commerce on the sea, enemy or neutral, 
legitimate or contraband. It com.pletely pulls the teeth of sea-power 
against either neutral or enemy commerce. 

If this attitude toward contraband dates back to the Conferences 

37 



of the Hague and London, then there is no obvious reason why the 
American delegates at the second Hague Conference should have 
opposed the proposal to abolish contraband, save possibly as a favor 
to some other nation. And this Is not a wholly creditable excuse. 
Germany's ideas of war on the sea center around contraband. She has 
used it as a reason or a pretext for the destruction of merchantmen 
at sea. 

THE ENTENTE ALLIES. 

The Entente Allies have maintained a complete blockade of the 
Central Powers on all commerce entering or leaving by an enemy or a 
leutral port. It removes at one stroke the restrictions against extend- 
ing a blockade to neutral coasts or ports. It may be regarded, perhaps, 
as an extension of the doctrine of "continuous voyage." It was 
announced, however, simply as a retaliatory measure. As such it has 
good and rightful standing in international law. At first the United 
States protested; but later acquisced and is now assisting with 
enthusiasm in this blockade. The Entente Allies deny to neutral mails 
the privilege of carrying contraband or otherwise engaging in unneutral 
service. This has involved a censorship of the mails. But all this 
might be held as the logical result of the blockade of the Central 
Powers as a retaliation. The opportunity for using the mails for 
unneutral service is so great that the mails for an enemy port should 
be subjected to as close an examination as any other part of the 
vessel's cargo. 

THE CENTRAL POWERS. 

On the other hand the Central Powers have planted or sown mines 
indiscriminately, have destroyed neutral vessels carrying constructive 
contraband without judicial decision, have denied the obligation to 
safeguard the lives of non-combatants whose ships have been sunk, 
have slain or drowned enemy non-combatants without hesitation, have 
destroyed neutral property, including postal correspondence, without 
compensation, have claimed and exercised the right to destroy enemy 
and neutral shipping, their cargoes and their passengers at sight in 
certain areas of the sea which they have arbitrarily marked out, have 
asserted that a blockade to be legal need not be real or effective. 

Sufficient has been said to show that German Freedom of the 
Seas is altogether different from the traditional freedom or that of 
the American view. In fact it is no freedom of the sea at all except 
to the German freebooter. It is hard to understand how it was pos- 
sible for the American delegations to the two peace conferences to be 
led by the nose in the interests of such a sea policy as Germany 
practices. It differs from the American policy in substituting "Quar- 
terdeck decisions" for those of the Ptize Court, in the wanton destruc- 
tion of neutral property, and in the wholesale murder of neutrals and 
non-combatants instead of a proper care of them. 

38 



GERMAN AND AMERICAN FREEDOM. 

Germany can not support the American Freedom of the Seas ex- 
cept as a temporary device for advancing her own measures. This 
arises necessarily from the German conception of war. The German 
War Boolt declares that war is not to be conceived wholly as a con- 
test between the armed forces of the belligerents. The object of war, 
it says, is to destroy the spiritual and material power of the enemy 
country. Now one of the most effective ways of doing this, in Ger- 
man opinion, is by waging war on private citizens. This is what she 
has done and is doing now in Belgium and northern France. This is 
what she has done and is doing on the sea. Nothing could be more 
averse to the German than the distinction between public and private 
property. It would be subversive of what is distinctive in the Ger- 
man conception of war. 

Hence, while we may find that Germany in conferences will sup- 
port the American view in order to overthrow the traditional view, yet 
when it com.es to actual warfare she will do as she has done, pay no 
attention whatever to American Freedom of the Seas, but will follow 
out her own notions on the subject. Besides, her law of necessity which 
overrides the rules of war would not permit her to comply honestly 
with any rules of sea law laid down in advance. 

FREEDOM OF THE SEAS IN THE PEACE PROPOSALS. 

In the terms proposed as a necessary basis for a peace conference 
Foreign Secretary Von Kuehlmann included the Freedom of the Seas 
The German view as modified by the war then becomes a matter of im- 
mediate interest. A member of the Prussian Upper House, Von Roon 
by name, in criticising these proposals as too mild, claims that the 
British must surrender their fleet and give up such coaling and naval 
stations as Germany may designate. While it, perhaps, may not be 
legitimate in the strict sense to regard this as the modified German 
view of the Freedom of the Seas, it nevertheless clearly foreshadows 
the purpose of the Teutons to dominate the seas on the conclusion of 
peace. This domination would undoubtedly be felt in time of peace 
as well as in war. 

However, Dernberg of odorous memory proceeds to interpret in 
the strict sense the prevailing German view of the Freedom of the 
Seas. He says: "Unhindered supplies or all that is usually compre- 
hended under the Freedom of the Seas must be guaranteed to the 
Central Powers." How are these supplies to be guaranteed? Is Ger- 
many to hold Belgium for a period of years as a hostage? Must ships 
or naval stations be surrendered as the guarantee? It is the right 
of Congress under the Constitution to regulate foreign commerce. 
Must we abridge our sovereignty in this matter and accept the dicta- 
tion of a foreign power? However, the guarantee may be arranged 
it is clear that in the name of the Freedom of the Seas the Central 
Powers would levy tribute on the industry and resources of the Allied 
world. 

39 



But this is not its complete significance. It is not only a policy 
of aggression but as well of repression. This is clear from the plan 
pursued in Belgium and northern France and other territories occupied 
by the Teuton armies. The machinery from manufacturing plants, 
so far as the Teutons deemed it valuable, was shipped to Germany, 
the rest destroyed. At the close of the War this captured machinerp 
may be set up at once and made profitable, provided "unhindered sup- 
plies" of all kinds can be had. The Germans could thus enter tho 
markets of the world unhampered by competition in certain lines fo- 
a considerable period. 

The devastated regions would require some years for the rebuild 
ing of their plants. This period might be considerable prolonged by 
a suitable selection of the guaranteed supplies. These countries rav- 
aged by the War would be handicapped first by the capture or de- 
struction of their machinery and second by the unfavorable conditions 
under which it must be replaced. Thus under the fair sounding phrase 
of the Freedom of the Seas lurks an unfair scheme for dominating 
the trade of the world. Of course, in view of these things America 
and the Entente Allies are justified in taking adequate measures for 
their economic protection during the period of reconstruction following 
the War. 

And now omes Chancellor Von Kelferich with the statement that 
peace by negotiation clearly can not be impossible since America and 
Germany agree as to the Freedom of the Seas. Here is an explicit 
declaration involving us In the approval of precisely that offense which 
we affirmed drove us into the War. And further a tacit approval of 
all the horrors on the sea Germany has committed and of her plans 
for commercial aggression. Yet no government official and no great 
editor has had the hardihood to stand up and deny the soft impeach- 
ment and say plainly we will have none of Germany's Freedom of the 
Seas. 

11. 

THE FAR EAST. 

The question we have been discussing assumes enhanced im- 
portance in view of the Brest-Litovsk treaty dictated to Russia by 
the Central Powers. By this treaty, according to reports at the time 
it was made, three hundred thousand square miles of territory and 
twenty millions of people passed from Russian to Teuton control. 
This means when the territory is properly organized a vast increase 
in the wealth and man power of the Central Powers. Important con- 
cessions were made by Russia to Turkey by which the administration 
of certain areas near the Black and Caspian Seas were turned over 
to the Ottoman empire. These areas lie in the old land routes by 
which in early times primitive peoples reached Eui'ope from their 
original home in central Asia. It is possible to open again a way 
for travel and commerce along these routes and in this way to con- 
nect Berlin with the far east, China, India and Japan. We may fol- 

40 



low, for example, the railroad from Berlin to Constantinople, thence 
by water on the Black Sea 'to Batum, from Batum by rail to Baku on 
the southwestern shore of the Caspian Sea. Thence by water across 
the Caspian to Krasnovodsk; from Krasnovodsk by rail to Tashkent 
and beyond on the western border of Chinese Turkestan. From Tash- 
kent the road might be extended east into China or southeast into 
India as the needs of commerce or war should require. 

By the peace treaty between Russia and the Central Powers, 
Batum and the adjacent teiTitory passed into Turkey's sphere of In- 
fluence. Baku, the Caspian terminal of the railway connecting the 
Black and Caspian seas is the center of one of the richest oil-pro- 
ducing regions in the world, yielding about one-fifth of the total an- 
nual supply of oil. This region is one of the great commercial prizes 
of the nearer east. 

That the Entente Allies, particularly England, would view this ar- 
rangement with satisfaction was not to be expected. The importance 
attached by official England to the possibilities just pointed out is 
shown by the recent report (August 20, 1918), that English forces 
had reached Baku by crossing Persia from the neighborhood of the 
valley of the Tigris in order to dispute the possession of this region 
with Turkey. The acquisition of this route by the Central Powers 
would expose India to an attack from the northwest. Britain will 
resist the attempt of the Central Powers to control this route to the 
limit of her powers. A still more recent report states that British 
troops have reached Bokhara, near the ancient Samarkand, on the 
road from Krasnovosk to Tashkent. This further emphasizes Britain's 
determination to checkmate any attempt on the part of the Central 
Powers to get within easy striking distance from India. 

Another route to the east had long been in the German mind 
This is the Berlin-Bagdad route, which originally was planned to reach 
a port at the head of the Persian gulf. But shortly after this purpose 
became known Britain assumed control of the shore along the head of 
this gulf, and the extension of the road to a seaport ceased to be prac- 
tical. But from Bagdad it may be quite possible to build a road through 
Persia following the old Caravan routes to China and India. But this 
plan has now been rendered unfeasible by British possession of 
Bagdad and the surrounding region. 

There is another possible route. This leads along the northern 
shore of the Caspian into the valley of the Volga. Thence Berlin 
may be reached directly by land routes or again by the Black Sea 
to Constantinople and thence on by rail. But the temper of the 
Russian people at present seems to shut out the possibility of utiliz- 
ing this route. Further the great Czecho-Slovak movement has now 
reached the valley of the Volga and the way for its support by 
Japan and the Allies has been opened in eastern Siberia. It is en- 
tirely possible that this movement will enlist the sympathy and sup- 
port of the people of southern Russia. If so, to Germany the value 

41 



of this route is practically nil. In fact, without this, the route is 
blocked by British possession of Bokhara. 

*But grant that the Germans secure the control of one or more 
of these routes to the east. The commercial advantages are very 
considerable. Such a route opens up the mineral resources, the agri- 
cultural and manufactured products of China, India and Japan, as 
well as the resources of the Asiatic countries through which the 
route may pass. The coal deposits in China are reported to be the 
largest and finest in the world; there are large deposits of iron; 
copper is to be found. India has also valuable products. Through 
China trade can be opened with Japan and the Islands of the Pacific. 
It will always be true that much of this trade can be brought to west- 
ern Europe more economically by water than by rail. A considerable 
part of this trade, however, might be diverted to a land route. When 
once this trade were organized and developed it would add much to 

THE ROUTE TO THE EAST AND WORLD POWER. 

Grant that the Central Powers weary and war worn find it de- 
sirable to negotiate a peace. Then it may be offered as a tempting 
bait to the Entente Allies to restore and rebuild Belgium, to give up 
northern Prance and make compensation for the property destroyed; 
to let Germany's colonies go to England and Japan in return for con- 
cessions to the Central Powers in the Balkan Peninsula and to 
Turkey along one or more of the eastern routes we have traced and 
for the confirmation of the more important concessions already made 
by Russia. Then the Central Powers may well be content for a time 
to organize their new possessions, to construct their roads to the 
east and to develop and exploit eastern trade. But when this has 
been done then again the challenge for world dominion may be thrown 
down. With increased man power and wealth will go increased 
chances of winning. The chief opponents would again be Britain 
and America. They might try the blockade as a means of weaken- 
ing the Central Powers. But with an inland route to the east they 
might well laugh at a blockade. On the other hand the Central 
Powers in the present war have developed their conceptions of sea 
law. These involve the general conception of war, which permits 
them to compass the destruction of non-combatants, the law of 
necessity to cover any particularly barbarous cases not specifically 
included in the general conception. They have found in their sub- 
marines a powerful agent for the destruction of commerce. By 
means of these they could so infest the highway of the seas that 
commerce with the east by either canal, Suez or Panama, or by 
either cape, the Horn or Good Hope, would become very costly, so 
costly, indeed, that ultimately it would be necessary for Britain and 
America to give it up. Thus through a virtual blockade by her sub- 



*This paragraph took final form later than the body of the paper — some 
time late in September or early in October, I think. 
the wealth and resources of the Central Powers. 

42 



marines she might be able to secure the concessions her ambitions 
require. While for the present the submarine is making the War 
costly for the Allies, yet their staying qualities are holding up bet- 
ter than those of Germany under the blockade. But under the new 
conditions supposed this feature of the case might be reversed. 

Besides this commercial threat the command of one of these 
routes would enable the Central Powers to pour armed hordes into 
India and possibly wrest this country from Britain. Now our strong- 
est bulwark against the Central Powers is the British fleet. But 
with Britain subdued and India under German control, Germany 
would have access to the Indian and Pacific oceans. She would be 
such a factor in these waters as to demand recognition by both 
Japan and America. Now as Germany has already proposed an 
alliance with Japan against America, she would probably strive for 
such an arrangement under the new conditions. It would be foolish 
on our part, therefore, to favor Germany in her efforts to gain such 
a stronghold as India, opening the way to the Pacific, where so many 
of our interests lie. 

The effective insurance against this threat is to defeat Ger- 
many now. Make her surrender the loot and concessions she forced 
from Russia. Give to Serbia and Roumania independent positions 
and collect indemnities from the Central Powers in such amounts 
as shall be sufficient to deter both rulers and peoples from embark- 
ing for a long time to come on another raid on the civilized world 
for the purpose of plunder and aggrandizement. 

THE FREEDOM OF THE SEAS. 

The Freedom of the Seas has no significance for a time of peace. 
It might happen, possibly, that with the winning of the War, the 
Teutons should decide to interfere seriously with the free naviga- 
tion of the seas in times of peace. It is not at all certain that they 
have not made plans for just such a contingency. 

The Freedom of the Seas is a war phrase. The German in- 
sistance on the Freedom of the Seas is due to the fact that she con- 
templates a renewal of the struggle for world mastery and does not 
wish to be hampered a second time by a blockade as she has been 
throughout the present War. So long as she insists on the Freedom 
of the Seas, so long will there be evidence that she plans to renew the 
conflict. A League of Nations that would really enforce peace would 
do away with any need whatever for the so-called Freedom of the 
Seas, as this freedom refers only to a state of War. 

It seems highly probable that it has been a mistake for our gov- 
ernment to permit itself to be identified with Germany on the Free- 
dom of the Seas. Diplomacy makes so many queer moves to the un- 
initiated that it is hard to say what is behind the government's strenu- 
ous insistance on a free sea. But the government will hardly lose 
any material advantage and will gain a great moral one certainlj- 
if it will cut absolutely loose from Germany and drop the Freedom 

4.3 



of the Seas as the special panacea for all the ills humanity organized 
into states is heir to. .^-.^ 

THE FREEDOM OF THE' SEAS IN RELATION TO A LEAGUE OF 
NATIONS TO ENFORCE PEACE. 

In his address to Congress, January 8, 1918, President Wilson 
laid down fourteen essentials of peace. The second of these reads: 
"Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas outside territorial 
waters, alike in peace and war, except as the sea may be closed in 
whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of in- 
ternational covenants." This is the new Freedom of the Seas. It is 
to be connected with a league of nations to enforce peace. This 
league is referred to by the president in the fourteenth and last of 
the essential conditions for a lasting peace. It follows: "A general ^ 
association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for \ 
the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence S 
and territorial integrity to great and small states alike." Just what ^ 
are these "specific covenants" and just how the powers conferred on ^^ 
this league are to be exercised has not appeared. In fact there is^ 
no information on the Freedom of the Seas or the league of nations 
contemplated by the president's peace plan that makes possible an 
intelligent study of the problems they present. 



lour-iUhtutc '(Lcilk 



Vermilion, August 1, 1918 

The German conception of war is in part "a nation in arms." In 
consequence the German government trained for military service the 
entire manhood of the nation, secured control over transportation, 
and over the production of munitions and supplies of all kinds for 
military operations. The purpose was to be able to strike a blow 
with the full force of the nation on the instant. In 1859 it required 
about six weeks to mobilize the small Prussian army alone. In 1914 
an army of one and a half m.illions was assembled and put into action 
on the French front, to say nothing of the large forces assembled on 
other fronts, in less than four weeks. 

Since the war has been in progress practically every activity that 
bears on the more efficient conduct of the War or on the ability to 
prolong it has been placed under government control. Thus Ger- 
many now mobilizes the full strength of the nation, not only the 
manhood, the industrial and financial strength, but all her resources, 
intellectual and spiritual as well as material, that she may be able 
to compass the defeat of her enemies. At the beginning of the War 
it was estimated in some quarters, very optimistically, I think, that 
Germany was able to raise and support 13,000,000 armed men. But, 

44 



on this basis, we should be able to raise an army of more than 22,- 
000,000 million. 

In conflict with a nation so organized it is necessary for our 
government to marshall the full strength of the nation. We are now 
assembling the striking force. Transportation, food and fuel, the 
telegraph and the telephone have been placed under government 
control. Industry, too, has felt government influence. This is no 
time to have the nation's energies paralyzed by trouhles in the in- 
dustrial world. To lessen the occasion for these the Government 
has established employment agencies and requests employers and 
laborers everywhere to register. Employers should not hire one an- 
other's help, they should stop poaching and secure their help 
through the Government agencies. Laborers should secure new jobs 
in the same way. The purpose is to avoid drawing labor from es- 
sential industries and wasting capital in unessential ones. These 
agencies assist in the necessary readjustment of labor and essential 
industries. This readjustment must be made if we, like Germany, 
are to be able to strike with the full force of the nation and maintain 
the pace. It is necessary if we are to win in the great struggle for 
humanity and civilization. The Government requests and expects 
our cordial co-operation. 



^mv-Minx\U "^silk 



Vermilion, August 30, 1918 

The Government gives out the information that German propa- 
ganda in this country has taken five principal forms: 1, Extreme 
Industralism, i. e., this is a war between the proletariat and the 
capitalistic class; 2, Internationalism, i. e., this is a rich man's war; 

3. Racial Prejudices, fomenting disloyalty among the colored people; 

4, Religious Pacificism; 5, The Irish Question. In addition there 
are numerous minor forms of the propaganda designed to embarrass 
our government. "There are cases on record," says the Government, 
'"where Germans have acted as leaders in Sunday School and Bible 
classes with the sole intent of sowing dissension among our people 
by raising religious objections to our part in the defense of freedom 
and democracy." Slanders against our soldiers across the Atlantic 
have been spread broadcast. The German government has paid 
liberally for this propaganda from its reptile fund: $5,000 to J. F. J. 
Archibald, $100,000 or more to Viereck; large sums of Drs. Hale and 
Rumely. And there are others. 

To all stronge stories to the injury of our cause the Govern- 
ment suggests that we oppose at once the definite demand, "Where 
did you get your facts?" The object is to keep the fighting on 
the other side of the Atlantic. We want no fire directed on us 
from the rear while engaging the enemy on our front. 

45 



The mighty Ludendorf, with two million men, marched up a 
hill and then marched down again. Our soldiers helped him get 
down the hill. The tide is with us now. The Allied army is press- 
ing the Germans back at every point of contact. The Allied soldiers 
are doing their part nobly. Let us do our part and help our Gov- 
ernment to the limit of our strength. Let us stamp out disloyalty 
and German propaganda whenever and wherever they appear. 

^n A^^r^ss to 1ttnltstc^ 4^cn 

The University, September 8. 1018, under the auspices of the 
Army Y. M. C. A. 

Every man has two fatherlands, his own and France. In this 
way has been expressed the cosmopolitan character of the French, 
the universal human element dominant in French life. Our hearts 
are in France. For there are our young men, the choicest specimens 
of the nation's manhood. They are there upholding the honor of 
the flag. They are engaged in the great world struggle, fighting for 
those things we prize most. 

The French are a great people, bearing a great and grievous 
burden with a courage and a heroism worthy of their great past. 
For centuries the French have been leaders of the world in the 
very forefront of advancing civilization. There is hardly any modern 
movement for human betterment, whether in science or philosophy, 
in morals or government or industry, in which Frenchmen have not 
taken at least a prominent part, if not the leading one. In some of 
the most difficult of the arts and sciences they are the recognized 
leaders of the world today. 

It is sometimes implied that the French are characterized by 
frivolity and dissipation. It is the character of the fast life of 
Paris, of the demi-monde and its clientelle, extended to the French 
people as a whole. According to trustworthy sources dissipation is 
more marked in Berlin than in Paris. It is no worse in Paris than 
in New York or London or any other great city. But it is not true 
that the French people generally are either frivolous or dissipated. 
Emotionally the French may be more responsive than either the 
English or the Americans. Nevertheless the French heart, speaking 
now of the people generally, is sound to the core. The achievements 
of the French are not possible to a light-minded and dissipated peo- 
ple. Though devastated and cruelly punished in this war France 
has not whined. Bled white she has not flinched nor lost courage. 
Her armies today are setting the world an example of vigorous 
and aggressive fighting. They still possess the will to win. The 
French have not boasted, they have not posed, they have not 

46 



threatened, they have not complained. When an ally failed in 
his reasonable support they have borne the added burden without 
murmuring. They have responded with "men and munitions to 
every call for help. Only a high-spirited and great-souled people 
could bear up under such strain and maintain their calm and ju- 
dicial attitude of mind and their undaunted courage. It is unfortu- 
nate that differences in customs and language make an appreciation 
of our great ally difficult for many of us. How well it would be to 
know their language. It is more important to be able to communi- 
cate and fraternize with our friends than with our enemies. 

Our hearts are in France. For there is waging the most mo- 
mentous struggle in all history. The occasion of our entrance into 
the war was that the German view and practice regarding the Free- 
dom of the Seas was in violent contradiction with our own. The 
principles and practice in their logical extension would deprive us 
of the safe commercial use of the ocean, of its safe use at all except 
possibly for an occasional bathing resort along our coast. The 
German freedom of the seas was an absolute denial of the freedom 
of the seas. 

But the question at issue is now larger than this. The late 
James Gordon Bennett, of the New York Herald, is credited with 
the remark made just after the first battle of the Marne that ap- 
parently "the leaders imagined the war to be one of purely political 
ambitions whereas it was really to be a great struggle between the 
forces of freedom unorganized but liberal and an autocracy which 
sought to impose absolute tyranny on the world." This prediction 
has been amply justified. Whatever the occasion of our entrance 
into the war or that of any of our allies the conflict has finally re- 
solved itself into a struggle between government by Divine right, 
or autocratic government, and government by the consent of the 
governed, or popular or free government, in which the latter is fight- 
ing for its very existence. We must win or we must pass under 
the yoke and yield up rights and privileges which make us a free 
and independent nation. 

The German autocracy aspires to world power and world domi- 
nation. The plans have been deeply laid. For nearly two genera- 
tions the German autocracy has been preparing the German people 
for just such a struggle as the present one. It has taught a philosophy 
of state and of morals especially adapted to the needs of a govern- 
ment by Divine right with aggression in mind. In this theory of 
the state might makes right. The weaker state has no rights that 
the stronger may not disregard when it is to his advantage to do so. 
Treaties are "scraps of paper." They cease to have binding force 
the moment they fail to yield advantages satisfactory to the stronger 
contracting power. It is right to corrput the citizens of a friendly 
state, to foment industrial troubles and to incite to crime and in- 
surrection so long and so far as this sort of thing is not effectively 
resented. It is right that the ships of a friendly power be "Spurlos 



Versenkt," provided it will ease an embarrassing diplomatic situa- 
tion. In all these cases the power to do these infamous things con- 
fers the right to do them. 

The state is the expression or embodiment of the highest power 
in organized society. Therefore, whatever the state does or di- 
rects, and the autocracy is the state, is right. The citizens need 
draw back from an infamy or autrocity provided only it has been 
authorized or directed by the proper representative of the state. 
That it has been so directed makes it morally right. 

In this theory the state is also the highest ideal of society. Con- 
sequently, it is the highest duty of the citizen to serve the state. 
The greater the service to the state by its citizens, the higher in 
the scale of their development is their civilization. The Germans 
surpass all other peoples in their service and devotion to the state. 
Therefore, they stand above, and apart from, all other peoples in 
culture and civilization. They are the chosen people, the elect, the 
supermen. They are to dominate the nations of the earth. In the 
great organization or empire through which this domination is to 
be exercised, and this organization has been much in the German 
mind, only those of German blood and speech are to have the rights 
of citizens. The subject races or nationalities must serve the needs 
and pleasure of the superior race, pampering their German con- 
querors and lawgivers. Their own aims and ambitions must be aban- 
doned. They must minister to the power and, therefore, necessarily 
cause to increase the arrogance of their German overlords. But 
this latter fact does uot appeal to the Teuton as an objection at all 
to his theory but to a subject race, to an inferior people, to an Amer- 
ican, for example, it might seem to be a most serious objection. 

This theory is in accord with the law of the survival of the fit- 
test in the struggle for existence, a struggle in which pity and mercy 
have no place. It is the doctrine of the bloody tooth and claw. It 
is a biological law from the theory of natural selection transferred 
without modification to international relations. Power is the central 
thing. Whether the power is won openly and honorably or by deceit 
and treachery is a matter of indifference. In either case the power 
gained increases the chances for survival in the struggle for ex- 
istence. Futher, this power throws over actions of whatever char- 
acter, however abominable, the mantle and sanctity of right. It is, 
therefore, the positive duty of the state to increase its power by every 
means at hand. In thus increasing its power it may disregard the 
rights and privileges of other nations without mercy and without 
compunction. Toward other nations and other peoples the German 
is as ruthless as toward the unprotected voyager on the sea. 

The German theory of war is in harmony with this theory of 
state. With most nations war is primarily a conflict between the 
armed forces of two states, a concept which gives a basis for a 
good deal of humanity in the treatment of the private citizens of 
the enemy. But with the German war is all this and more. War has 

4S 



for its object to destroy the material and spiritual power of the 
enemy by every means that works effectively to that end. One of 
these is to wage war relentlessly on private, unarmed citizens, to 
slay or reduce them to slavei-y or worse, confiscate or destroy their 
property. The harsher the treatment the better, for the sooner will 
their spirit be broken and their material resources exhausted. This 
theory of war involves also the law of necessity to justify any par- 
ticularly abhorrent babarities not specifically covered by the general 
theory. Under this law the Germans may violate a flag of truce if 
such action will save their precious skins. Wells may be poisoned, 
women and children murdered, hospitals raided with bombs and 
machine guns, hospital ships may be sunk, all under the sacred shield 
of this so-called law of necessity. The atrocities in Belgium and 
France were no surprise to those acquainted with the German theory 
of war. 

After having declared in the heyday of his success that there is 
no international law, because there is no power able to enforce it 
against Germany, and having disregarded and violated it on land 
and sea and in the air the German emperor now loudly complains to 
the v/orld that the dropping of bombs on the cities of the Rhine 
valley, where poison gas for military use is manufactured, is a gross 
violation of international law. For it is an interference with his 
power to violate that law. This seems to us childish or imbecile. 
But it is not so. This same theory of selection which covers his 
theory of state and morals provides a defense for the weak in "pro- 
tective coloration." The German emperor is simply using this de- 
vice. He is appearing to be something he is not. He was using 
it when he protested to Spain against her wickedness in taking 
over German ships to replace the Spanish vessels unlawfully sunk 
by German submarines. He believes when all things are going 
well with his army that the more powerful nation should survive 
and rule the less powerful. But should he be beaten in this war, as 
he surely will be, then he will make the most abject renunciation 
of his theory of state and his aims of conquest, pour foz'th a host of 
pious platitudes which will make the Sermon on the Mount seem 
stale and vapid, and plead for mercy and an honored place beside 
the victors. His theory of state requires it. It is protective 
coloration. If the military terms pleases you better you may call 
It camouflage. 

There is no passion in this analysis nor any implication that 
this theory is held by every individual German, nor that it makes 
any difference in this connection what the individual German be- 
lieves. We have little sympathy with that form of dementia which 
declines to face the ugly facts because here and there happens to 
be a German with no influence whatever on the trend of events, 
v/ho does not adopt the prevailing mode of thought. The theory 
given is that of the domintant class, of those who determine German 
policy, abundantly confirmed by their literature and their conduct 

49 



of the war. It is to this theory or to the class holding it that Presi- 
dent Wilson, after three years of fruitless and devious negotiations 
refers with almost infinite disgust as this "intolerable thing." It :^ 
this theory or "this intolerable thing" with whch we must reckon 
in this war and in the peace negotiations which are to terminate 
the war. 

The German theory of state based on the survival of the fittest 
requires in the German mind, of course, world power and world 
dominion for the German autocracy, for government by Divine right. 
To this theory government by the consent of the governed is an 
offense, as smoke to the eyes or as vinegar to the teeth. It under- 
mines and destroys the very foundations of autocratic governmenV 
Where not under compulsion peoples have almost uniformly chosen 
some form of popular government in preference to autocratic gov- 
ernment. To gain world dominion the autocracy must consequently 
humiliate and weaken or destroy the most conspicuous and powerful 
representative of popular govprnment. We are in this war fighting, 
therefore, for our very existence as a free and independent nation. 
And it is for us to see that government by the consent of the gov- 
erned shall not be effaced from the earth. In doing this we shall 
help France and Britain and Italy and all our allies, as a matter of 
course. But we may be modest about it and remember that we have 
as much at stake as they. They have already done more to protect 
us and the cause of freedom than in all probability we shall have 
opportunity in this war to repay by service in kind to them. 

It is necessary to beat the German and beat him decisively. He 
has appealed to force or might as bearing his rights in the case. 
It is force and force only that will prove to him that the Almighty 
has not called him just yet to administer all the affairs of this old 
world of ours. A negotiated peace would only shift the duty and the 
burden to the next generation. This would be a cowardly evasion 
of moral obligation on our part. In the nature of the case there can 
be no real peace except a dictated peace. 

There is no question as to the character or efficiency of the 
American soldier. Like the French he does not boast, he does not 
pose, he does not complain or whine. If the order is to go over 
the top, he goes over the top; if it is to hold his ground, he holds it. 
There is no need to admonish him to cherish and exemplify the 
principles of righteousness which he imbibed in his earliest child- 
hood, even at his mother's breast. The nations have every confi- 
dence in the American soldier. 

The real questions is for us at home to give him the moral and 
material support worthy of the cause, a support without which he 
cannot win. Every man and every dollar, if needs be. must go into 
that support. According to government reports there are some at 
home who unfortunately, like Faustus, have sold their souls to the 
Devil, directly or indirectly and are attempting by a subtle propa- 
ganda to undermine and annul the work our soldiers are accom- 

50 



plishing across the Atlantic. The duty rests on us at home to sup- 
press this stuff and those who originate and scatter it. It must not 
be permitted that the sacrifices our soldiers are making shall have 
been made in vain and all this because of the poison of propaganda 
at home. 

Our hearts are in France. For there trembling In the balance 
is the fate of government by the consent of the governed, the highest 
conception of government reached by our race in its long and event- 
ful history. There in the balance, too, is what is highest and best 
in our civilization. For with the autocratic theory of government is 
associated) a civilization distinct from the Christian. The fate of hu- 
manty is involved. The struggle will determine which of two widely 
divergent paths the race will henceforth follow. Those who strive to 
save those things men most cherish are worthy of all honor. Those 
who fall go down in the noblest cause for which men may make the 
supreme sacrifice. To engage in such a struggle is a rare oppor- 
tunity. It is not given to every man nor to every generation. It re- 
veals to the individual man a larger and a nobler self. Five minutes 
in battle develops more character, more power, more real manhood 
than a cycle of Cathay. The soldier's is a fiery ordeal, but it changes 
the baser metals into purest gold and transforms the timid lad into 
hero stuff and blazons his name alongside the immortals of history. 
For the clean and open minded youth it develops self control, broad- 
ens and deepens his sense of duty, purifies and ennobles his devo- 
tion to country and to humanity and enlarges his conception of the 
range and possibilities of life. True it is a costly school, but it is 
the oldest, as old as the race, and in some respects is unsurpassed. 

Shall those who have borne the battle be forgotten, will they 
pass into oblivion at the end of the war? Has Leonidas been for- 
gotten or his Spartan band? High above the waters on the rugged 
peaks that look down on Thermopylae where lie Spartan band and 
Persian dead the fire still glows to point the world to heroic sacri- 
fice for freedom and for country. Its light pierces the gloom wher- 
ever the heart of man mirrors back the heart of God. For twenty- 
five centuries its light has illumined the noble but arduous path of 
duty and sacrifice and its radiance is still undimmed. Certainly, he 
had seen its light and felt its glow of whom the poilus in their trench 
journal have this tribute: 

"Cypress nor yew shall weave for him their shade; 
Cypress nor yew shall shield his quiet sleep; 
Marble must crack, and graven names must fade — 
He for his tomb has won the changeless deep. 
We mortals bring our transient gifts, 
Fast-fading flowers, as garlands for his fame; 
But 'tis the tempest and the thunderous drift 
That to eternity shall sound his name." 

51 



No, Leonidas and his Spartan band did not die. On the con- 
trary the tale of years for them has been multiplied ten thousand 
times and their lives have been, and are to be, lived over and over 
again in millions and millions of human hearts. Though they knew 
it not, they drank at the fountain of eternal youth. 

So it always has been and so it always will be. Earthly im- 
mortality is the meed of honor awarded those who in great and 
abounding measure have sacrificed or achieved for humanity. So 
the names and deeds of those who engage in the present mighty 
struggle will be flashed down the coming ages from generation to 
generation as long as the earth shall circle the sun. The peoples 
and nations which have been rescued from impending ruin, whose 
destinies have been cleared from the dark and lowering clouds which 
overhung, will delight to heap honors on the veterans of the World 
War and shower them with evidences of deep and lasting gratitude. 
Members of the National Army and of the American Expeditionary 
Force, the unborn generations, the millions and myriads yet to be, 
salute you. 



•>ifc;>k> 



Vermillion, September 27, 1918 

Beware of peace drives. A peace drive proceeded the downfall of 
Russia; one the great disaster to the Italian army. A strong peace 
drive made possible the two great dents in the allied line in France 
in the Spring and early Summer. Now that her army is clearly over- 
matched Germany is seeking to organize the mushy peace sentiment 
in the Allied countries in order that she may retain through diplo- 
macy the swag and loot and plunder and booty her army has gathered 
in but is no longer able to hold. Beware of peace drives. 

Everything is at stake in war is the judgment of Bernhardi, the 
German military writer and expert. Nations sometimes neglect the 
time economy of forces and bring them to bear on the enemy in small 
groups and successively. France in 1870 is the standard example of 
this. She first sent in her best troops. They were outnumbered 
overwhelmingly and beaten. She then sent in her second class troops 
to go down in defeat in like fashion. At the last her old men and 
young boys were brought into the hopeless struggle aaginst a superior 
force. In 1900 General Foch, then a colonel, said we must make use 
of all our forces of whatever kind and bring them to bear in mutual 
support on the enemy. 

We must heed this lesson of history and marshal all our forces 
at the earliest posible day and bring them to bear at one and the 
same time on the enemy. This will cost great effort and an immense 

52 



sum of money. A twenty-four drive on a ten-mile front represent an 
investment of fifty-four million in artillery and ammunition alone. We 
must make many such drives. We are practically committed to 
seven billion for artillery and ammunition. We need five billion 
to complete our shipping program. The bill for food and clothing and 
small arms and ammunition and pay and insurance for our soldiers 
must be added. And for an army of five million which we are soon to 
have, this bill becomes enormous. But these things are necessary if 
we are to make our full power felt by the enemy. 

The Fourth Liberty Loan is to enable our Government to carry 
out this program. It is not necessary to urge this loyal and patriotie 
audience to support the Government. We shall do it as a matter of 
course. Our soldiers and our Allies in France, our Allies in the 
Balkans and in Palestine have clearly shown that the war can be 
won and are making the necessary sacrifices. Let us bear our part 
and give them all the support we can. 

The roar of battle has died away. A stillness as of peace has 
fallen on warring lands. It was a stupendous struggle. Its magni- 
tude paralyzes imagination and leaves us cold and unmoved. Fifty- 
six million men, if we may believe the reports at hand, were mar- 
shalled for the fighting. The casualties number twenty-six million. 
Eleven milliont laid down their lives. The money cost was two hun- 
dred and twenty-one billion. These sacrifices in men and money, 
sacrifices which stand alone in history, were made to decide whether 
the world should be bond or free. 



ISSUES INVOLVED. 

Germany put forward a claim for "a place in the sun." At first 
this appeared to many to mean only more commercial privileges 
and the question of an additional port or two. But it was not long 
until the far reaching and sinister character of this claim was appar- 
ent to every one. It meant at least a Central European Empire, 
extending from the North Sea to the Sea of Marmora and the Bos- 
phorus. It was to include Belgium and northern France so far as to 
embrace the great coal and iron mines of this region. So surrounded 
Holland would be practically unable to carry out any strictly 
independent, international policy and would become to all intents 
and purposes a province in this Central European Empire. 



•Prepared while in the St. Vincent Hospital, Sioux City, Dec. 4-9, 1918. 
tA more recent and conpervative estimate Is nine million, which still 
seems to bear a very high ratio to the total number in arms. 

53 



This empire was to include Livonia and other Russian provinces 
on the eastern shore of the Baltic. Ukraine and Russian Poland, too, 
were to be absorbed, thus taking the most important manufacturing 
and the richest agricultural districts in Russia. Roufnania might 
accept absorption peaceably with a little sop thrown in to ease her 
pride. It was hoped she would accept. Or she might attempt the role 
of Serbia and repeat her experience. Greece and Bulgaria had 
already been induced to accommodate themselves gracefully to the 
idea of German overlordship and were expected at the proper time 
to play the preassigned role. Turkey, too, was in the partnership. 
This combination was thus assured the control of the littoral of the 
eastern Adriatic, the Aegean, the straits of Dardenelles and of Bos- 
phorus, and the Black sea. If Italy had not repudiated her acquiescent 
attitude toward the Triple Alliance, the combination would have 
controlled the shores of the northern and eastern Mediterranean from 
Genoa to Suez. 

It was hoped to induce Spain to adopt an aggressively friendly 
attitude toward this combination. Gibraltar was to be her reward. 
With so much accomplished the Mediterranean had passed far along 
the stages making it a German lake, as in their mind's eye the Baltic 
had already become. But plainly German ambitions did not stop at 
this point. Turkey was expected to assert control over Egypt and take 
physical possession of the Suez canal. With all these things realized 
the Mediterranean with its immense trade would have become practic- 
ally an inland sea for the Central European Empire and a closed sea 
for the rest of the world. 

Further, Turkey was to gain control over the northern and 
western shore of the Pei'sian Gulf and, in fact, over the entire Arabian 
peninsula. So extended and developed the Central Empire and its 
satellites formed one organized body stretching from the North sea 
to the Persian Gulf and the Indian ocean. With Gibraltar and Suez 
taken from Britain India became like ripe fruit ready to fall into the 
lap of Germany the moment the tree was shaken. 

These are a minimum of Germany's territorial ambitions at the 
beginning of the War. But such an expansion of territory and increase 
of power would carry with them important consequences. The impon- 
derables have to be considered in such a case. The coapletion of such 
a scheme would have so weakened France that she might henceforth 
be ignored in the international world. Her colonies could be taken 
over at leisure. The suiTender of Suez and Gibraltar by Britain would 
imply that she had first been reduced to impotence. For no one enters 
a strong man's house and takes possession of his goods without the 
precaution of first binding the strong man. The partitioning of Russia 
presupposes her effacement as a first class power. Thus the Central 
European Empire would be assured the hegemony of Europe not merely 
in the sense of predominating in her councils but as actually dominating 
the European situation to the extent that every nation of Europe must 
accept German dictation. Thus into the balance in favor of any policy 

54 



she might adopt the Central European Empire would be able to throw 
the immense wealth and resources of Europe and Western Asia. 
Outside Europe there are but two nations to be considered for a moment 
in relation to this Central Empire; namely, Japan and the United 
States. But against such a combination as this either alone or both 
allied would be powerless. They, too, must submit to German domin- 
ation and dictation. Thus the establishment of the Central European 
Empire with its embellishments would give to Germany the first goal 
of her ambition, that of world domination. World dominion would 
then easily and naturally follow. Thus world domination and world 
dominion, as became painfully apparent early in the War, were the 
real objectives of the struggle. 

But in addition the cry of Kultur was heard. German science, 
German philosophy, German literature, German organization were 
all acclaimed as far superior to those of other peoples. The cheerful 
conclusion was drawn, on the basis of the theory of the survival 
of the fittest, not that these results of the activities of the German 
people would survive over those of other peoples, but that the 
German people themselves were to displace the less highly Kul- 
tured peoples, destroying or in certain cases enslaving them. The 
American people have sometimes been accused of b«astCulness. 
Our enthusiastic countryman who bounded the United States on 
the north by the Aurora Borealis, on the east by the rising sun, 
on the south by the vernal equinox and on the west by the Day of 
Judgment, has been admittedly in the more conservative American 
circles, guilty of a slight exaggeration. But American exaggeration 
at its best has the saving quality, or salinity, of humor. But no 
touch of conscious humor, though the situation has a quality all 
its own, lightened the ponderous preachings of the Germans on 
their superior gifts and attainments as a people. They were the 
solemn ambassadors of Kultur or' of Odin, proclaiming a new 
world order. 

The German Kultur has developed a theory or state and or inter- 
national morals in sharp contrast with the conceptions of the mod 
ern civilized world generally. So markedly did the fundamental 
moral concepts differ from those of Christian civilization as to 
justify the observation that the German was developing a new 
civilization, distinct from the Christian^, a civilization ih which 
pity and mercy have no place outside the family or clan, and 
in which the brotherhood of man has been replaced by the doctrine 
of the bloody tooth and claw, a civilization that would make its 
highest ideals those of Odin's Valhalla. 

Obsessed with the notion of the holiness of these ideals and 
with that of the greatness of the German people Germany fully 
armed and prepared broke like a beast of prey from cover on 
the Istartled and unprepared nations of the world. Everything 
she desired seemed to be within her grasp. Her army rushed 
through Belgium and France, marking the way with destruction 

55 



and devastation. By a miracle the French armies held along the 
Marne and the devouring beast recoiled on his haunches by the 
Aisne. This was his first taste of real delay or defeat. His mo- 
mentary hesitation gave a much needed respite for preparation 
against him. Then the attack along the eastern front began in 
earnest and a Russian anny was enmeshed and destroyed among 
the Masurian lakes. And again the road to his goal seemed to 
lie open before him. 

II. 

BRITAIN'S PART IN THE STRUGGLE. 

The only force which seemed to be ready for the crisis in an 
adequate way was Britain's fleet. Her ships rode the seas as 
proudly as in times of peace. At the first signs of war the fight- 
ing ships took their stations and hemmed in the opposing fleets. 
In thirty-six hours after the declaration of war German commerce 
on the sea had practically ceased to be. Britain's swift cruisers 
began the search for German commerce destroyers. These were 
promptly gathered in, except ian occasional destroyer that 'Suc- 
ceeded in eluding the blockading fleets. The German fleet in 
Asiatic waters was active. But after four months of war no organ- 
ized German fighting force was afloat on the high seas. 

Prom the beginning the British fleet exerted a steady pres- 
sure on the Central Powers, hampering and hindering their ef- 
forts to get supplies from abroad. In this work the effectiveness 
of the fleet was somewhat reduced by the action and attitude of 
neutrals. The declaration of London, adopted by the Naval Con- 
gress of 1909, had been boldly proclaimed by Germany's repre- 
sentatives as her war program against Britain. On the outbreak 
of the war Germany asked our Government to press Britain to 
pledge the observance of the Declaration of London in naval war- 
fare. This Declaration Britain had never approved. This service 
to Germany — and we tell it without the slightest feeling of pride 
— our Government seemed to be really glad to render. 

We made trouble over the examination of mails and yet 
search revealed that our mail bags were filled with contraband. 
There is no more universally recognized principle of international 
law than that which forbids to a government unneutral service. 
And yet our law officers 'contended that the principle was of 
none effect provided only that the unneutral service were rend- 
ered through the agency of the mails. This contention Britain 
and her allies did not accept. But they lessened the efficiency 
of the blockade in order that our Government might not be too 
greatly offended by their failure to accede to her wholly unten-' 
able propositions. 

Then came the submarine warfare, Germany declaring a war 
zone i-ound the British Isles. She threatened and proceeded to 
carry out her threat to sink neutral vessels without warning and 

56 



without provision for the safety of passengers when these ves- 
sels were found in the war zone. There is nothing like it in all 
international law, ancient or modern. In meditated cruelty: 
against the innocent it is without parallel. Our protests against 
these outrages were wordy, but were always presented to our 
dear, good friend Germany with whom we had long stood in a 
common effort to obtain the Freedom of the seas, and with whom 
we are still standing in her struggle for this freedom. In retalia- 
tion against the war-zone proclamation by Germany Britain and 
her Allies adopted an absolute blockade of the Central Powers, 
closing all access to or egress from, whether directly or indirectly 
for commerce of every kind. This action, based on retaliation, 
was in international law a perfectly legitimate step. Our Gov- 
ernment, however, entered a vigorous protest against this action. 
But the Allies held their ground and gradually our Government 
ceased to enter complaint. Since we entered the War our Gov- 
ernment has enthusiastically supported the absolute blockade of 
the Central Powers. In fact, the blockade was not only good law, 
but also good sense. It was enforced without cruelty and without 
needless inconvenience to neutrals. 

Thus it was substantially Britain's fleet that kept the high 
ways of the seas open to Allied and neutral commerce and closed 
them absolutely against commerce with the Central Powers. This 
fact had much to do with the ultimate decision of the struggle. 

The German battle fleet was engaged off Jutland. May 31, 
1916. The German -emperor proclaiar.ed the result a wonderful 
victory for his fleet. But we know now, and rather more than 
suspected it then, that the result was a crushing defeat for the 
Germans, their battle fleet barely escaping annihilation under the 
shield of thick weather, their naval aspirations for the period of 
the war perishing off Jutland. Only "low visibility" enabled a bat- 
tered remnant of that fleet to cripple into port the next day. The 
protection of this port it never afterwards left as a fighting force. 
Many of its ships were dismantled and disarmed to furnish ma- 
terial for the construction and armament of submarines. 

We know also how bravely and determinedly the British fleet 
dealt with the submarine menace. True, there was a regrettable 
loss of life and enormous losses in vessels and commerce due to 
submarine activity. While the submarine for a time constituted a 
very real and serious danger it was ultimately held primarily by 
the fleets and shipyards of Britain. While our own fleet did ex- 
cellent service, yet according to Admiral Sims, our destroyers did 
not number more than three per cent of the force engaged in bat- 
tling the submarine. Britain's fleets were never off duty, were al- 
ways active and alert and did the work with unflinching courage 
and determination. 

We must note other contributions by Britain. In France she 
shortly replaced "the contemptible, little army," (in passing, the 

57 



finest fighting force in Europe), by a well organized and equipped 
army of two million men. Under Haig this army forced Germany 
to abandon the Verdun campaign and gave the German soldier the 
first real taste of defeat. It was the beginning of the long process 
of sapping and undermining his morale. So long as victory reso- 
lutely perches on his banner the morale of the German soldier 
is superb; but under a long and sustained series of defeats he has 
not the staying quality of either the British or the French soldier. 
With the tide against him "Kamerad" is the easiest word Fritz's 
lips can find. And Fritz's morale was sadly frayed and raveled 
at the edges under Foch's sledge hammer blows with the British, 
French and American armies. WTiile he had not collapsed yet 
he was in a devoutly thankful frame of mind when he found that 
his government would no longer sustain the War. 

British soldiers shared in the illstarred expedition against 
Gallipoli and added to their reputation for courage, endurance and 
heroism. They did their full share of the fighting in the Balkan 
peninsula. They subdued insurrection in Egypt and kept order 
among the tribes far out in the desert border regions under a 
tropical sun. They defended the Suez canal and pushed an ex- 
pedition along the SinaitFc peninsula, finally crossing these water- 
less sands into Palestine and winning from the cruel and brutish 
administration of the Turk that ancient land whose hills still re- 
echo the aspirations, voiced in song and prophecy, of a gifted race 
long since scattered among strange and unfriendly peoples. 

Undaunted by the failure in Mesopotamia and Townsend's sur- 
render at Kut a reorganized British army under Maude fought its 
way up the Tigris and captured Bagdad, the goal of the original 
expedition. Here the army sat on, and crushed the life out of, the 
German hope of a Berlin to Bagdad road that was to terminate at 
some point on the Persian Gulf, constituting a threat against India, 
and of that modified road from Berlin to Bagdad and thence along the 
old caravan routes through Persia to some point within striking dis- 
tance of the borders of China and India. From the region of the 
Tigris valley a British force crossed Persia and took Batum on the 
Caspian in the closing year of the War. Though imable to hold 
Batum this force made it valueless to the enemy by destroying the 
oil wells there, the richest, perhaps, in the world, yielding about 
one-fifth of the world's total annual output of oil. A British force 
from India traversed the desert regions of Afghanistan and entered 
Bokhara in Turkestan and there made wreck of a fine new Ger- 
man dream whose irridescent colors had charmed the Teuton imagina- 
tion since the fall of Bagdad, a dream which rejoiced in the cheer- 
fully alliterztive description of "the Berlin to Bokhara" route to 
the east, to China and India. With equal fortitude the British soldier 
bore himself in the work of suppressing insurrection in India, re- 
bellion in Ireland and in compassing the defeat of the Germans in 
eastern and southwestern Africa. 

58 



Thanks mainly to the British soldier and sailor the German flag 
floats over no colonial or island possesion, save possibly Heligoland. 
We say thanks, for that flag represented in the War the agencies at 
enmity with humanity and free government. The German admin- 
istration in colonial Afi'ica gives but a saddening and sickening 
story of lust and cruelty. Let us not think that the overthrow of 
German authority in her colonies was accomplished without great 
sacrifice. It was an added effort to one already reaching close to 
the limit of Britain's strength. Seven of every eight of her men 
of military age, and the age limit was raised to fifty years, saw 
service with the army or the fleet. The British women went into 
the munition factories and kept their brothers on the fighting line 
supplied with the means of carrying on the struggle. They stepped 
into the places left vacant by the men and kept the machinery of 
production and distribution going, filling the channels of domestic 
trade with the products of their labor. These women have shared 
in the responsibility of winning this war for humanity and civilization 
and must now share the honor. 

Britain's financial strength was an important factor in bringing 
the War to a satisfactory conclusion. It was her millions which 
for a long time paid for the munitions and supplies for some of the 
Allied armies and peoples. An estimate places her war expenses at 
$41,500,000,000, more than dou':)le oar own. Financially Germany had 
an advantage, a compensatory advantage, in that she was cut off 
from neutral trade. She could contract no debts outside her own 
dominions. She was able to carry on the War, consequently, by 
means of paper currency, forced loans and other financial methods 
which would have broken dov\rn completely outside her own realm. 
But Britain had to face obligations to the neutral world with no 
thought or possibility of repudiation. 

As an example of British courage and devotion among a multi- 
tude of possible cases the firr-t battle of Yjn-es may be mentioned. 
There in 1914 the German hosts pressed fiercely in their determined 
rush for the Channel ports. These hosts were magnificently armed, 
furnished with all the heavy guns and supplies they could use. Op- 
posed to them at first was barely one-fifth of their number of British 
soldiers, some of these volunteers and not rated as first line troops, 
inadequately supplied with artillery. Toward the close of the long 
struggle, for it lasted three weeks, the British had increased their 
num.ber through re-enforcements to nearly one-third the number of 
the enemy opposed to them. Yet the British held the line. True it 
was at an awful sacrifice. Of 400 officers in one division, Rawlinson's 
on leaving England only 44 remained at the end of the struggle, 
of the 12,000 men, only 2,336 were left. The brigade under Gen. 
Fitzclarence, the normal strength of which was 153 officers and 5.- 
000 men was reduced to eight officers and 500 men. But it was 
British devotion and dogged determination that stopped the rush. 
Had the soldiers failed to hold, the chances are that the story of 

59 



the War would have had an entirely different ending. As an ex- 
ample of unflinching courage, of a determination to hold the line 
and pay the cost, cost what it might, there is hardly anything finer 
in history. The Roman who thrust his hand into the fire to show 
Pyrrhus that Romans could suffer as well as perform deeds of dar- 
ing, reveals nothing better in metal and courage than these soldiers 
in the ranks drawn from the reddest blood of Britain, who deliberate- 
ly sacrificed themselves in an unequal contest in order to block the 
German rush and give civilization time for the preparation of an 
adequate army of defence. For this was primarily a soldier's bat- 
tle. Little as the world can afford to lose such men, the verdict of 
history will justify without a doubt the sacrifice they deemed it their 
duty to make at Ypres. 

That Britain was fighting to avoid dismemberment and thus had 
a direct interest in the outcome of the War there is no occasion to 
deny. But self interest in such a case carries with it no disparage- 
ment. It is self interest in no narrow or selfish sense. Although the 
opportunity for the loftiest altruism in its absolute purity was denied 
them yet at the same time that Britons were fighting for their ex- 
istence as a nation they were contending for the ideals and funda- 
mentals of modem Christian civilization. They were fighting for hu- 
manity and for those conceptions which make free and popular gov- 
ernment possible. But for Britain's sons in arms on land and on 
sea the hosts from the north bearing with them the philosophy of 
might and the ideals of Odin's warriors would have borne down all 
apposition and established themselves supreme in Europe and, con- 
sequently, also in the world. They would have established every- 
where autocratic government, government by Divine right. If ap- 
parent exceptions were made they would involve the payment of 
tribute and the acknowledgment of inferiority for the privilege of 
existence. 

And so Britain's achievements in this War have been for that 
abstraction we call freedom, freedom as manifested in free govern- 
ment, for those sentiments and for that attitude of mind and heart 
and for that conduct toward others which we summarize under the 
one word humanity, for that civilization whatever the sources of its 
various elements and ideals which we cbaracterize as Christian. In 
Flanders fields where poppies blow between the crosses, row on row, 
her dead sons shall sleep, for Britain has kept faith with them, has 
caught the torch thrown from falling hands and held it high. 



60 



A Tribute. 

A strong man has passed away. What is to be his place in 
history? How will he stand in comparison with his fellow men? 
What permanent contribution has he made to the cause of humanity 
for v/hich the world will be unwilling to forget him? 

He was a man of marvelous energy. John Morley said that he 
had seen in America the Niagara Falls and Mr. Roosevelt. Twelve 
long columns in the Readers' Guide are devoted to listing articles 
by and about Roosevelt for the years 1910 to 1914, more space to 
this private citizen than was given in the same period to the two 
men who followed him in the presidential office. He made his mark 
as a naturalist, an explorer, a literary man, a historian, a politician, 
a social reformer, a statesman, and a citizen. Forty volumes, it is 
said, bear witness to his activity with his pen. He will be ranked 
easily as the most versatile of our presidents, of the first twenty- 
eight. 

He will stand well as an executive. His administration saw the 
adoption of some measures embodying important principles for which 
he stood. The Forest Reserve Act and the National Irrigation Act both 
assume that the public domain and its wealth belong, not to certain 
favored corporations, but to the people as a whole and are to be de- 
veloped for their benefit. The Employer's Liability Law, first de- 
clared unconstitutional and then in a modified form re-enacted, 
shows his attitude toward labor. Suits were instituted against Harri- 
man, the Tobacco and the Standard Oil Trusts to compel com- 
pliance with the law. He forced the arbitration of the Anthracite 
coal strike, emphasizing again that the public welfare stands above 
private or coi'porate interests. One of his great achievements, says 
an unfriendly critic, was the reformation of business morality 
brought about by his storming assaults on rooted evils. The values 
of these things is to be estimated not so much by what was actually 
accomplished as by what was inaugurated. Since his administra- 
tion there has been a well grounded sentiment among the people 
that corporations, however strong, may be compelled to have regard 
for the public welfare, whether they choose or not. He showed 
that there were teeth in the Sherman anti-trust law, teeth pulled by 
a succeeding administration. "During his administration." says an 
organ of his political opponents "the soul of the United States was 
stirred as never before in time of peace and there was laid the solid 
foundation for the structure of social and economic progress whose 
towering height is now the beacon to all other nations." For his 
work in paving the foundations for business morality and for social 



*A talk at the Memorial Service for Roosevelt held at the City Hall, 
Vermilion. February 9, 1919. The topics assigned the several speakers were 
Roosevelt's Achievements Roosevelt as a Politician, Roosevelt as a Re- 
former, Roosevelt's Place in History. The last of these is considered under 
the above title. 

61 



and economic progress history will accord him, I believe, an hon- 
ored place among those who have been benefactors of their fellow 
men. 

He is entitled to a high place as a master of statecraft, not, 
perhaps, of that tortuous and elusive thing called diplomacy, but 
of that nobler skill which pilots the ship of state across a danger- 
ous sea without the voyagers becoming -conscious of the risks, a 
manifestation of that wisdom nine-tenths of which in his own phras- 
ing consists in being wise in time. There were abundant opportuni- 
ties for tix>uble with foreign nations. It was his merit to foresee 
and to prevent or avoid. As examples consider the Alaskan Boundary 
dispute, the difficulties between Japan and California, the checking 
of German ambitions in Venezuela, his part in bringing about peace 
between Japan and Russia and his activities in connection with the 
Algeciras Conference, which probably resulted in the avoidance 
of a world war in 1905. When the full significance of the Panama 
canal for our national policy and for the commerce of the world be- 
comes apparent, as it certainly will in the not distant future, his 
energy and foresight and wisdom in bringing about the construction 
of that great water way will receive much wider recognition than 
at present. 

In the recent great conflict to make the world safe for democracy, 
democracy won on the battle field. Is democracy to be a dominant 
element of government and civilization for the future? How far 
a thorough going democracy is consistent with a league of nations 
to enforce peace, wherein is lodged the power to employ the armed 
forces, or other forces, of a nation for a purpose or purposes directly 
opposed to the will of the people of that nation I am not now disposed 
to discuss nor do I pretend to any competence in such matters. But 
I shall assume that the sober judgment of the Peace Conferees will 
not lead them to shackle or sacrifice democracy, the major objective 
of the war, to assure the success of any subsidiary or secondary 
object such as the formation of a league to insure peace. The Con- 
ference might fail to form a league of nations to enforce peace and 
yet make the world .safe for democracy; and it might form a league 
of nations to enforce peace and at the same time bind democracy to 
a body of death. I am pointing out that the two things are separable 
in thought and, conceivably, in practice; though recent press reports 
might lead us to believe that the two things are identical. Not un- 
til the structure of the peace plan is completed will there be ground 
for an independent judgment on the way democracy has fared at 
the Peace Conference and a satisfactory basis for predictions as to 
the future. 

There is unrest in Europe and America, voiced by socialists, 
Bolshevist and others. Whether it bode v/ell or ill for humanity, this 
unrest can hardly be interpreted otherwise than as an aspiration of 
the mass of the people for a larger share in the affairs of govern- 
ment; possibly, too, in the wealth of the world. In view of these 

(i2 



things a forcast as to the future of democracy presents obvious dif- 
ficulties. But this is certainly the day of democracy ascendant; and 
we shall assume in view of what has heen presented or in spite of 
it that it is the day of democracy triumphant. We shall take it for 
granted that henceforth democracy is to characterize both govern- 
ment and civilization. 

Now Roosevelt did not discover democracy nor did he invent it. 
But he was the active source and agent of a movement in this coun- 
try making for democracy. In his address before the Ohio Constitu- 
tional Convention he said: "I believe in a pure democracy. With 
Lincoln I hold that this country, with its institutions, belongs to the 
people who inhabit it." In fact the whole address is concerned pri- 
marily with the adjustment of the machinery of government so that 
it may respond directly to the will of the people. His influence while 
on the Civil Service Commission and his preachings throughout his 
administration and later served to arouse in the voter a real sense of 
his power over governmental affairs. This consciousness of the 
voter has been the most potent factor in our recent political history. 
It is the rock on which the administration of his successor was 
wrecked, as well as the hopes of that successor for a second term. 
At the last election several small boats occupied by national repre- 
sentatives who had preferred the voice of propaganda to that of the 
American people smashed against that rock and went down. A Con- 
gressional committee is now investigating that sad accident and 
sagely considering measure by which that obstruction may be re- 
moved from the channel through which some Congressmen are sure 
to want to sail. The life of a representative will be hard, indeed, 
if his constituency is to hold him to the serious business of govern- 
ment. This attitude of the voter is the most insistent thing the 
present administration has had to deal with; and it will have to 
deal with this insistent attitude through every remaining hour of 
its existence. The tendency will be for this insistence on the part 
of the voter to increase rather than to diminish. It is to form an im- 
portant phase of our political activity for the future. History will 
record that to Roosevelt more than to any other man of his time or 
to any other force was due the awakening of this latent consciousness 
of power in the voter and its wise direction. It is the power on which 
the existence of any real democracy depends. It is a contribution of 
the first order to our social and political life; and history, I believe, 
will so esteem it. 

At his death friend and political foe alike seemed to think most 
fitting for his epitaph: Roosevelt, the American. They emphasized 
his sterling patriotism.. His staunch Americanism during the last 
four years towered above all else in his long and eventful public 
career. He advocated preparedness when the administration was 
against him and apparently was carrying public opinion with it. 
This was Roosevelt the patriot, not Roosevelt the politician; for the 
politician swims with the current. When the country was about to 

03 



enter the war Roosevelt offered his services in a military capacity. 
This offer was curtly declined. Deeply hurt he did not sulk, how- 
ever, but selecting apparently the most difficult and disagreeable 
work open to the private citizen he put forth all his energy to the 
task of making the vigorous and successful prosecution of the war 
easy for the administration. True he criticised, but it was for de- 
lay and vacillation. He was far and away the strongest single force 
in the country supporting the administration in the war. 

He grappled with the problems presented by our citizenship of 
foreign origin as possibly influenced or swayed by certain enemy 
organizations planted on our soil. No other man would have selected 
these problems for his special field. The country, he said, wanted 
no fifty-fifty loyalty. He advanced further and declared that the 
citizen who is not one hundred per cent American is not an Amer- 
ican at all. The country, he emphasized, dem.anded undivided loyalty 
insisted that our language must be English. We must have one 
language. He saw clearly that the nation can not endure half Ameri- 
can and half polyglot. It is written throughout history from the build- 
ing of the tower of Babel down to the collapse of Austria-Hungary. 
His propositions are true, eternally true. He that sits in the Heavens 
and laughs to scorn the mightiest of the earth made them so. And yet 
no politician or office seeker would have his name associated with them 
for one moment. I need not say why. It was not Roosevelt the poli- 
tician speaking. It was Roosevelt the patriot, the American. Forget- 
ful of his personal fortunes and holding the truth before him in clear 
vision, with the austerity of a prophet of old, he was as a voice crying. 
Make the Paths Straight or this nation can not endure as a free 
people. 

John Wesley did not invent religion, but he was a living religious 
force. He is still a religious force. Roosevelt did not invent de- 
mocracy, or patriotism or Americanism nor did he originate the 
Ten Commandments; but he was a living force making for democ- 
racy, for patriotism, for Americanism and for public and private 
morality. He will continue to be a force making for these things. 
His figure, I believe, is destined to loom far larger in the future than 
in the present. 

You do not worship any man nor do I. But I would that every 
American inspired by the example of the man to whom we pay tri- 
bute tonight might raise his hand to heaven and record the vow 
vow henceforth to serve his country with a stronger, purer, nobler 
and more unselfish devotion than hitherto. 



64 



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